Originally Posted By: British
You should listen to the REAL version of history instead of the warped republican view..


The loyalist paramilitaries came into existence to defend their community which was already under attack. I had family who had to leave their homes in the early 60s as their streets were under constant attack.

Bring it back to today, I suggest you try and learn how things really are.


I have lived it, my family have lived it, I have lost family, I have lost friends. So some plastic spouting shite from thousands of miles away wants to grow up and see the reality of life!!


Absolute nonsense, no member of the Anglican Church of Ireland has ever been attacked in the free state.

You are a complete joke British and I don't need to brag about any involvement I had in the fight. I come from a very tough family with contacts in Monaghan, South Armagh, Dublin and New York.

Pat Nee from Boston knows about my contribution as does JC so don't bullshit me and don't insult my manhood I can arrange for you to meet with some members of my family any time you like. For a friendly drink of course rolleyes

From the British BBC...

'In 1964, a peaceful civil rights campaign began in Northern Ireland. The civil rights movement sought to end discrimination against Catholics (including those of Catholic background) and Irish nationalists by the Protestant and unionist-dominated government of Northern Ireland. It called for:
an end to job discrimination – it showed evidence that Catholics/nationalists were less likely to be given certain jobs, especially government jobs
public housing to be allocated on the basis of need rather than religion or political views – it showed evidence that unionist-controlled local councils allocated housing to Protestants ahead of Catholics/nationalists
one man, one vote – in NI, only householders could vote in local elections, while in the rest of the UK all adults could vote
an end to gerrymandering of electoral boundaries – this meant that nationalists had less voting power than unionists, even where nationalists were a majority
reform of the police force (Royal Ulster Constabulary or RUC) – it was almost 100% Protestant and accused of sectarianism and police brutality
repeal of the Special Powers Act – this allowed police to search without a warrant, arrest and imprison people without charge or trial, ban any assemblies or parades, and ban any publications; the Act was used almost exclusively against nationalists and republicans[39][40][41][42][43]
In March and April 1966, Irish republicans held parades throughout Ireland to mark the 50th anniversary of the Easter Rising. On 8 March, a group of former IRA members blew up Nelson's Pillar in Dublin. At the time, the IRA was weak and not engaged in armed action, but some unionists and loyalists warned that it was about to be revived and launch another campaign against Northern Ireland.[40][44] In April, loyalists led by Ian Paisley, a Protestant fundamentalist preacher, founded the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee (UCDC). It set up a paramilitary-style wing called the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV).[40] The 'Paisleyites' set out to stymie the civil rights movement and oust Terence O'Neill, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland. Although O'Neill was a unionist, they saw him as being too 'soft' on the civil rights movement and too friendly with the Republic of Ireland.


A UVF mural in Belfast
At about the same time, a group of loyalists calling itself the "Ulster Volunteer Force" (UVF) emerged in the Shankill area of Belfast. It was led by Gusty Spence, a former British soldier. Many of its members were also members of the UCDC and UPV.[45] On 7 May 1966 it petrol bombed a Catholic-owned pub in the Shankill. The fire killed the elderly Protestant widow who lived next door.[40] On 21 May, the UVF issued a statement declaring "war" against the IRA. It vowed to "execute" IRA members and anyone helping them. The statement ended: "We are heavily armed Protestants dedicated to this cause".[46] On 27 May the UVF fatally shot a Catholic civilian, John Scullion, as he walked home.[40] On 26 June it shot three Catholic civilians as they left a pub, killing one.[40][46] Shortly after, the UVF was made illegal by the NI Government.[40]
The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) was formed in January 1967.[47][48] On 20 June 1968, civil rights activists (including Austin Currie, an Irish nationalist MP) protested against housing discrimination by squatting in a house in Caledon, County Tyrone. The local council had allocated the house to an unmarried 19-year-old Protestant girl (the secretary of a local Unionist politician) instead of two Catholic families with children.[49] RUC officers – one of whom was the girl's brother – forcibly removed the activists.[49] Two days before the protest, the two Catholic families who had been squatting in the house next door were removed by police.[50] Currie had brought their grievance to the local council and to Stormont, but had been told to leave. The incident invigorated the civil rights movement.[51]


A monument to Northern Ireland's first civil rights march
On 24 August 1968, the civil rights movement held its first civil rights march, from Coalisland to Dungannon. Many more marches would be held over the following year. Loyalists (especially members of the UPV) attacked some of the marches and held counter-demonstrations in a bid to get the marches banned.[49] Nationalists saw the RUC, almost wholly Protestant, as backing the loyalists and allowing the attacks to occur.[52] On 5 October 1968, a civil rights march in Derry was banned by the NI Government.[53] When civil rights activists defied the ban, RUC officers surrounded the marchers and beat them indiscriminately and without provocation.[53] Over 100 people were injured, including a number of MPs.[53] The incident was observed by television news crews, but dramatic footage filmed by RTÉ and shown around the world [54] caused outrage in the Catholic and nationalist community, sparking two days of rioting in Derry between nationalists and the RUC.[53]
A few days later, a student civil rights group – People's Democracy – was formed in Belfast.[49] In late November, O'Neill promised the civil rights movement some concessions, but they were seen as inadequate. On 1 January 1969, People's Democracy began a four-day march from Belfast to Derry, which was repeatedly harassed and attacked by loyalists. At Burntollet it was attacked by about 200 loyalists and off-duty police officers armed with iron bars, bricks and bottles in a pre-planned ambush. When the march reached Derry it was again attacked. The marchers claimed that police did nothing to protect them and that some officers helped the attackers.[55] That night, RUC officers went on a rampage in the Bogside area of Derry, attacking Catholic homes, attacking and threatening residents, and hurling sectarian abuse.[55] Residents then sealed-off the Bogside with barricades to keep the police out, creating "Free Derry".
In March and April 1969, UVF and UPV members bombed water and electricity installations in Northern Ireland, blaming them on the dormant IRA and elements of the civil rights movement. Some of the attacks left much of Belfast without power and water.[56] The loyalists "intended to force a crisis which would so undermine confidence in O'Neill's ability to maintain law and order that he would be obliged to resign".[57] There were six bombings between 30 March and 26 April.[56][58] All were widely blamed on the IRA, and British soldiers were sent to guard installations.[56] Unionist support for O'Neill waned, and on 28 April he resigned as Prime Minister.[56]
August 1969 riots and aftermath[edit]
Main article: 1969 Northern Ireland riots
On 19 April there were clashes between NICRA marchers, the RUC and loyalists in the Bogside. RUC officers entered the house of Samuel Devenny (42), an uninvolved Catholic civilian, and ferociously beat him along with two of his teenage daughters and a family friend.[56] One of the daughters was beaten unconscious as she lay on the sofa recovering from surgery.[59] Devenny suffered a heart attack and died on 17 July from his injuries. On 13 July, RUC officers beat another uninvolved Catholic bystander, Francis McCloskey (67), during clashes in Dungiven. He died of his injuries the next day.[56]
On 12 August, the loyalist Apprentice Boys were allowed to march along the edge of the Bogside. Taunts and missiles were exchanged between the loyalists and nationalist residents. After being bombarded with stones and petrol bombs from nationalists, the RUC, backed by loyalists, tried to storm the Bogside. The RUC used CS gas, armoured vehicles and water cannons, but were kept at bay by hundreds of nationalists.[60] The continuous fighting, which became known as the Battle of the Bogside, would last for two days.
In response to events in Derry, nationalists held protests at RUC bases in Belfast and elsewhere. Some of these led to clashes with the RUC and attacks on RUC bases. In Belfast, loyalists responded by invading nationalist districts, burning houses and businesses. There were gun battles between nationalists and the RUC, and between nationalists and loyalists. A group of about 30 IRA members was involved in the fighting in west Belfast. The RUC deployed Shorland armoured cars mounted with heavy Browning machine guns. The Shorlands twice opened fire on a block of flats in a nationalist district, killing a nine-year-old boy. RUC officers opened fire on rioters in Armagh, Dungannon and Coalisland.
During the riots, on 13 August, Taoiseach Jack Lynch made a television address. He condemned the RUC and said that the Irish Government "can no longer stand by and see innocent people injured and perhaps worse". He called for a UN peacekeeping force to be deployed and said that Irish Army field hospitals were being set up at the border near Derry. Lynch added that Irish re-unification would be the only permanent solution. Some interpreted the speech as a threat of military intervention.[61] After the riots, Lynch ordered the Irish Army to plan for a possible humanitarian intervention in Northern Ireland. The plan, Exercise Armageddon, was rejected and remained classified for over thirty years.
On 14–15 August, British troops were deployed in Derry and Belfast to restore order,[62] but did not try to enter the Bogside. This brought the riots to an end. Eight people had been shot dead, more than 750 had been injured (including 133 who suffered gunshot wounds) and more than 400 homes and businesses had been destroyed (83% of them owned by Catholics). More than 1,800 families fled or were forced out of their homes, including 1,505 Catholic families and 315 Protestant families. The Irish Army set up refugee camps in the Republic. Nationalists initially welcomed the British Army, as they did not trust the RUC. However, relations soured due to the Army's heavy-handedness.[63]
After the riots, the 'Hunt Committee' was set up to examine the RUC. It published its report on 12 October, recommending that the RUC become an unarmed force and the B Specials be disbanded. That night, loyalists took to the streets of Belfast in protest at the report. During violence in the Shankill, UVF members shot dead RUC officer Victor Arbuckle. He was the first RUC officer to be killed during the Troubles.[64] In October and December 1969, the UVF carried out a number of bombings in the Republic of Ireland.
1970s[edit]

Violence peaks and Stormont collapses[edit]
File:Ulster.ogv

1970 newsreel about the background of the conflict


Loyalist banner and graffiti on a building in a side street off the Shankill Road, Belfast, 1970
The period from 1970 through 1972 saw an explosion of political violence in Northern Ireland, peaking in 1972, when nearly 500 people, just over half of them civilians, lost their lives. The year 1972 saw the greatest loss of life throughout the entire conflict.[65]
In Derry by the end of 1971, 29 barricades were in place to block access to what was known as Free Derry; 16 of them impassable even to the British Army's one-ton armoured vehicles.[66] Many of the nationalist/republican "no-go areas" were controlled by one of the two factions of the Irish Republican Army—the Provisional IRA and Official IRA.
There are several reasons why violence escalated in these years.
Unionists claim the main reason was the formation of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (Provisional IRA), and the Official Irish Republican Army (Official IRA), two groups formed when the IRA split into the 'Provisional' and 'Official' factions. While the older IRA had embraced non-violent civil agitation,[67] the new Provisional IRA was determined to wage "armed struggle" against British rule in Northern Ireland. The new IRA was willing to take on the role of "defenders of the Catholic community",[68] rather than seeking working-class unity across both communities which had become the aim of the "Officials".
Nationalists pointed to a number of events in these years to explain the upsurge in violence. One such incident was the Falls Curfew in July 1970, when 3,000 troops imposed a curfew on the nationalist Lower Falls area of Belfast, firing more than 1,500 rounds of ammunition in gun battles with the Official IRA and killing four people. Another was the 1971 introduction of internment without trial (out of over 350 initial detainees, none was a Protestant).[69] Moreover, due to poor intelligence,[70] very few of those interned were actually republican activists, but some went on to become republicans as a result of their experience.[citation needed] This resulted in numerous gun battles between the British army and the Provisional IRA and the Official IRA. Between 1971 and 1975, 1,981 people were detained; 1,874 were Catholic/republican, while 107 were Protestant/loyalist.[71] There were widespread allegations of abuse and even torture of detainees,[72][73] and the "five techniques" used by the police and army for interrogation were ruled to be illegal following a British government inquiry.[74] Nationalists also point to the fatal shootings of 14 unarmed nationalist civil rights demonstrators by the British Army in Derry on 30 January 1972, on what became known as Bloody Sunday'.

I rest my case...


'So I say, “Live and let live.” That’s my motto. “Live and let live.” Anyone who can’t go along with that, take him outside and shoot the motherfucker. It’s a simple philosophy, but it’s always worked in our family.'

George Carlin