http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wNvZHDafi38


Dublin Monaghan Bombings 1974 - First Tuesday -1993.

http://www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/...itish-1.1795546

Families of Dublin and Monaghan bombings to take civil procedings against British
Opinion: Relatives taking ‘risky and traumatic path’ after 40 years of inaction.

For those of us old enough to remember the terrible day the Dublin and Monaghan bombs exploded, it is hard to believe 40 years have passed.
Despite all the terrible atrocities down through the long years of the Northern conflict, no day saw a greater loss of life than May 17th, 1974 – 34 deaths including a full-term unborn baby.
A third of those killed were young women and girls aged between five months and 22 years. That fateful Friday dawned sunny and bright. In Dublin, the city buses were on strike but people were going about their business as usual.

At 5.28pm precisely, without warning, the first bomb exploded in Parnell Street killing 11 people including an entire family – a young father and mother and their two baby daughters.
Two minutes later, 14 perished in a second bomb explosion in Talbot Street. The dead included a young mother and her full-term unborn baby. Almost simultaneously, a third bomb exploded in South Leinster Street, where two women were killed instantly.

Fourth bomb
An hour and a half later, a fourth bomb exploded in Monaghan town claiming another seven lives, including a mother of four and a father of two boys and twin girls, aged just two. The Dublin dead included a young French woman, whose family had survived the Holocaust, and an Italian father of three children.
Nobody has been charged with, much less convicted of, this terrible massacre.
The Garda investigation was wound down within weeks.
It was 19 years before the Ulster Volunteer Force admitted responsibility and only after the broadcast of Yorkshire television’s Hidden Hand: The Forgotten Massacre, in 1993. In its self-serving statement, the UVF insisted it acted alone, contradicting claims made in the programme of security force collusion. Two years later, RTÉ documentary, Friendly Forces? reinforced the YTV programme findings.
Later evidence from security force whistleblowers; the report of Judge Henry Barron’s Independent Commission of Inquiry in 2003 and Anne Cadwallader’s Lethal Allies all point to collusion by members of the Ulster Defence Regiment, the Royal Ulster Constabulary and British military intelligence.
Judge Barron deplored the failure of the British authorities to make original documents available to his inquiry and their refusal to supply other information (on national security grounds) saying they limited the scope of his report.
Since the Barron report, strenuous efforts were made to persuade the British to release the papers. Two motions were passed unanimously by the Dáil in 2008 and 2011, urging them to make the undisclosed documents available to an independent, international judicial figure for assessment. Westminster has ignored them.
More recently, in meetings with the British ambassador, Justice for the Forgotten proposed the documents be assessed in Britain, even in situ if necessary, so that no issue of national security need arise.
A highly respected individual, who it was believed would be acceptable to both sides, was suggested as the assessor.
However, an arranged meeting to move the discussion forward was cancelled by the British side in November and no new meeting was offered since.

After 40 years
Because of this refusal to continue the conversation, the families feel, after 40 years, they can wait no longer.
They have decided, very reluctantly, to take the risky and traumatic path of civil litigation against the British ministry of defence, the PSNI, the Northern Ireland Office and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. While we welcome the dawn of improving relationships between Ireland and Britain, such relationships must be based on mutual respect, equality and an honest willingness to deal with difficult issues from the past.
As President Michael D Higgins said before his recent State visit to Britain, it would be wrong to wipe the slate clean. Progress should not depend on forgetting the past.
If our strengthened and warmer relationship with London means anything, it should lead to London acceding to the Dáil’s repeated requests to open the files so all sides can finally establish the truth – and learn from it.

Margaret Urwin is co-ordinator of Justice for the Forgotten

http://www.rte.ie/news/2014/0517/617955-dublin-monaghan-bombings/

40th anniversary of Dublin and Monaghan bombings.

Wreaths have been laid at the site of one of three bombs which exploded 40 years ago today in the single worst day of atrocities in the Troubles.

Relatives of the dead and survivors of the 1974 Dublin-Monaghan bombings gathered at a special memorial on Talbot Street in Dublin.

Among them were Tomassino Magliocco, who now lives in Italy and whose father Antonio died in a bomb on Parnell Street, and Iris Hall, whose father Archie Harper was killed in Monaghan.

UK urged to hand over Dublin-Monaghan bomb documents
RELATED AUDIO & VIDEO

Watch: UK urged to hand over Dublin-Monaghan bomb documents
Taoiseach Enda Kenny laid a wreath along with the members of the Justice for the Forgotten group.

The group announced on Wednesday it is suing the British government to get access to classified files they believe will confirm collusion in the bombings.

Thirty-three people were killed, including a pregnant woman, and almost 300 people injured in the no-warning bombs, three in Dublin and one in Monaghan in the space of 90 minutes.

The Ulster Volunteer Force was blamed.

Mr Kenny said the Government is continuing to urge British Prime Minister David Cameron and Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Theresa Villiers to allow access to documents relating to the bom

Earlier this week, Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs Eamon Gilmore called for information to be released.

Margaret Urwin, spokeswoman for Justice for the Forgotten, said she hoped action would follow.

"The Tanaiste issued a strongly worded statement and restored funding for which we are very grateful," she said.

"For a long time we have been asking that the Taoiseach issue a statement, he has called in the parliament on the British to act but I think it's much more significant when they make a statement, and a public statement is significant.

"We hope it will be followed up by action by the British."

Justice for the Forgotten alleges some of the bombers were British agents and that security forces knew about the terror plot in advance.

Ms Villiers said she will continue to hold talks with the Government over the bombings.

"The passage of time does not lessen the pain and loss for those who lost loved ones to terrorism during the Troubles," she said.



Author and historian Tim Pat Coogan delivered an oration before a memorial mass was celebrated at the pro-Cathedral in nearby Marlborough Street by Archbishop of Dublin Diarmuid Martin.

In his sermon the Archbishop said great strides towards reconciliation have been made in the 40 years since the bombings.

"But we also know that reconciliation will only be lasting when it is based on truth," he said.

"In a modern human rights culture, which fights against impunity and seeks reconciliation in truth, it is anachronistic that there are still those who place obstacles to the revelation of the truth of what happened in these bombings 40 ago."

Keywords: bombs, dublin, monaghan

http://www.herald.ie/news/a-40year-search-for-the-truth-30280750.html

A 40-year search for the truth.

17 MAY 2014 12:00 AM

IT was the bombing campaign which shocked the nation. Four separate blasts tore through Dublin and Monaghan with no warning, claiming the 34 lives, including an unborn baby.

The bombings marked the greatest loss of life in a single day during the Troubles.

At 5.28pm the first bomb exploded in Parnell Street, instantly killing 11 people. Two minutes later, 14 people were killed in a second bomb explosion in Talbot Street followed by a third bomb in South Leinster Street, killing two women.

Just an hour-and-a-half later, a fourth bomb exploded in Monaghan town, claiming another seven lives.

But 40 years on, no one has ever been held accountable.

Now survivors and families who lost loved ones are hopeful that they may finally get closure with an investigation by authorities in the North due to start later this year.

ACTION

Papers have also been filed for a civil action against the British government in the Belfast High Court.

Margaret Urwin of Justice for the Forgotten said families were aware that their final fight to get answers could be a long one.

“This action is a last resort after every other avenue has been closed to us. It really is the last chance saloon,” she said.

Letters of claim have been issued and the group’s legal team is now awaiting a response from the British authorities before issuing writs.

“It is likely to be very difficult and very protracted and we are expecting lengthy delays,” she said.

“The families are aware of this. We don’t know if we will get very far at all and we know we will have a lot of barriers to surmount.”

An investigation by the Police Ombudsman of Northern Ireland into the bombings will begin later this year. The office will officially investigate complaints made by Justice for the Forgotten against the RUC.

The complaints state that the RUC did not properly investigate the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, with a second aspect raising concerns about possible collusion by agents of the State, including the RUC, in the bombings.

“The complaints were officially accepted last autumn and we’ve been informed that the investigation will begin later this year, but we have no timeframe for how long it might take, it could be a couple of years,” Ms Urwin said.

INVESTIGATION

They’re urging garda authorities to fully co-operate with the investigation.

“The Northern Ireland Ombudsman will need garda files to fully investigate the matter and we are hoping that all of these will be made available and made available in a prompt manner. If the Ombudsman is to fully investigate our concerns these files will be vital,” she added.

Meanwhile, the group expressed delight that it could continue its fight for justice as a result of the Irish Government reinstating its funding.

Government funding was pulled from the project in 2009.

It was only earlier this month that they committed further funding to the organisation, allocating €48,000.

“We would have been forced to close our doors in June but thankfully the Government has now come to our rescue,” Ms Urwin said.

To mark the 40th anniversary of the series of bombings today, Taoiseach Enda Kenny will lay a wreath at the Memorial to the victims in Talbot Street.

An anniversary Mass will also be celebrated by Archbishop Diarmuid Martin at St Mary’s Pro-Cathedral this afternoon.

hnews@herald.ie

http://www.independent.ie/irish-news/doc...r-31297549.html

Documentary claims: Aim of Dublin/Monaghan bombings was to start a civil war.

A TOP RUC officer raised the issue of paramilitary collusion personally with Margaret Thatcher but his concerns were ignored, an explosive new documentary will claim.

Former head of Special Branch Raymond White said that the message he received from the then British Government on the use of agents in the dirty war was "carry on - just don't get caught".
The British Government's attitude to running agents and the extent of collusion between loyalist paramilitaries and the security forces over three decades will be examined next week in a special RTE documentary, Collusion.
The documentary also features:
*An interview with former British Security Minister Michael Mates who conceded that the scale of collusion was much greater than he imagined when in power.
*Claims from a member of the gang responsible for the Dublin/Monaghan bombings that the intention was to foment a civil war.
The devastation caused by the UVF bombing of Monaghan townOPEN GALLERY 2
The devastation caused by the UVF bombing of Monaghan town
*An interview with former PSNI Chief Constable Hugh Orde who said a former head of the Army's secret Force Research Unit (FRU), Gordon Kerr, should have been put on trial.
*Claims from former Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan that senior British Government officials attempted to pressure her into halting her investigation into new murders involving collusion.
The documentary features interviews with most of the major players in policing and security over the last three decades.
Former Special Branch head Mr White told journalist John Ware that he personally asked the Thatcher administration for a legal framework for the handling of agents within paramilitary groups.
"Senior officials and senior ministers, as it were, did not give us the support or the guidance that I felt we were entitled to anyway," he told the programme.
Mr Ware then asked him: "The non-response as it were by Prime Ministers and officials to your request for a legal framework was 'carry on, but don't get caught'. Is that fair comment?"
To which Mr White replied: "Yes. I think that captures it in a nutshell."
The programme claims that the British Army decided early on that it could not fight a war on two fronts and concentrated its efforts on "destroying" the Provisional IRA, at the same time as publicly stating that it was dealing with the conflict in an even-handed way.
Such was the extent of collusion in the 1980s the programme claims that an RUC Special Branch officer tipped off a UDA brigadier about an informer - placing the man's life at risk. PSNI Chief Constable George Hamilton told journalist Brian Rowan that a police officer could potentially face serious charges in relation to the allegations.
Covert Army squad FRU recruited and ran agents within paramilitary organisations during the Troubles. Former PSNI Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde, told the programme he believed that justice would have been better served if Gordon Kerr, FRU commander from 1986 to 1991, had faced a public trial.
In 1987 Kerr recruited former soldier Brian Nelson as an agent. Nelson's job was to infiltrate the UDA.
Kerr regarded Nelson as his jewel in the crown.
For the next three years Nelson colluded with murder gangs to shoot IRA suspects and innocent nationalists. Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane was one of those murdered.
In a prison journal Nelson claimed that Kerr had suggested that the UDA should carry out a bomb attack on an oil refinery in Co Cork to put pressure on the Irish Government at a time when it was resisting efforts to extradite republican suspects back to the north.
Even as late as 2003, six years after the Good Friday Agreement, the British Government was still attempting to hide levels of collusion, according to former Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan.
Baroness O'Loan told the programme that when she began to investigate new murders involving collusion, senior British Government officials tried to put pressure on her not to continue.
Her investigation eventually uncovered shocking levels of collusion between police officers and what she described as serial killers. Her report found that Special Branch officers gave the killers immunity and officers ensured the murderers were not caught.
According to the RTE documentary, a new collusion investigation has been launched into 19 other linked killings.
*Collusion, a NewRed TV production in association with the RTE Investigation Unit, will be broadcast on Monday on RTE One at 9.35pm
Belfast Telegraph

http://www.rte.ie/tv/programmes/collusion.html


Collusion is a special feature length television documentary commissioned and funded by RTÉ.

In a first television interview, a member of the gang linked to the Dublin Monaghan bombs and many other atrocities reveals that their intent was to foment a civil war - and in that event, they were confident they could "crush the other side".

Taoisigh Jack Lynch and Liam Cosgrave were met with flat denials when they raised collusion with their British counterparts. The film will reveal that the British were well aware of it.

Supported by archive evidence and interviews with senior Irish and British officials of the period, the film reveals that the British Army decided early on it could not fight a war on two fronts and concentrated its efforts on "destroying" the Provisional IRA, while at the same time saying publicly it was dealing with the conflict in an even handed way.

Such was the extent of collusion in the eighties, the film will also reveal that an RUC Special Branch officer tipped off a UDA brigadier about an informer. It could easily have led to the man's murder. Northern Ireland's Police chief George Hamilton confirms a police officer could face serious charges.

In the programme, a former UDA brigadier also names senior loyalist paramilitaries he believes were working as agents for the security forces.

A former head of RUC Special Branch also reveals that he personally asked the then British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher for a legal framework for the handling of agents within paramilitary groups. This didn't happen because, in effect, HMG was saying "carry on - just don't get caught".

Even as late as 2003, six years after the Good Friday Agreement , when a former Police Ombudsman began to investigate new murders involving collusion she reveals for the first time that senior British Government officials tried to put pressure on her not to probe. She eventually uncovered truly shocking levels of collusion between police officers and what she described as serial killers.

A former Chief Constable of the Northern Ireland police service also states that justice would have been better served if a British Army brigadier, in charge of a secret unit that ran an agent convicted of multiple murder conspiracies, had faced a public trial.

The film will also reveal that a new collusion investigation has been launched into 19 other linked killings and a former British security minister admits that the scale of collusion was much greater than he imagined.

Documentary aiming to shed new light on three decades of reported collusion between Loyalist paramilitaries and the British security forces in Northern Ireland.


http://www.rte.ie/player/nl/show/10431974/

Former PSNI Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde, told the programme he believed that justice would have been better served if Gordon Kerr, FRU commander from 1986 to 1991, had faced a public trial.
In 1987 Kerr recruited former soldier Brian Nelson as an agent. Nelson's job was to infiltrate the UDA.
Kerr regarded Nelson as his jewel in the crown.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gordon_Kerr_(British_Army_officer)

Any way to watch this in the US?

Good post.I've lost family and friends due to collusion and what's starting to come out now is only the tip of the iceberg.

Did some research, not looking good for watching this in the US, unless it goes on YouTube or something.

Let me know if anyone sees a copy.

Fuck, I really want to watch this.

I've watched some docs on the Troubles and also Moloney's book. Anyone got any good recommendations?

Collusion on both sides of the border, Irish government and Garda have plenty of blood on their hands as well...

http://www.rte.ie/news/2015/0626/710711-pat-finucane/

Court backs refusal to hold Finucane inquiry.

The High Court in Belfast has backed British Prime Minister David Cameron's refusal to hold a public inquiry into the 1989 murder of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane.

Mr Finucane’s death remains a lightning rod for anger over state collusion with pro-British paramilitaries.

The lawyer, who represented leading republicans in court, was shot dead in front of his family at his north Belfast by loyalists believed to have been acting in collusion with British security forces.

This morning, a judicial review rejected an appeal by Mr Finucane's family for a public inquiry into the shooting, saying Mr Cameron's 2011 decision not to hold one was lawful.

Mr Cameron instead commissioned an independent investigation, whose report was published in 2012.

The 2012 report severely criticised members of the British intelligence services and army and the Northern Irish police for colluding in the killing and covering it up.

The solicitor's family has long campaigned for a full independent public inquiry, but Mr Cameron insisted such an exercise would not shed any more light on the events.

He instead commissioned a review of the case papers by QC Desmond de Silva.

Mr de Silva's report detailed shocking levels of state involvement.

It included spreading malicious propaganda that Mr Finucane was sympathetic to the IRA; one or possibly more police officers proposing him as a target to loyalists; and the mishandling of state agents inside the UDA who were involved in the murder.

While Mr de Silva found no evidence of an overarching conspiracy by the authorities to target the 38-year-old lawyer, he said the actions of a number of state employees had "furthered and facilitated" the UDA shooting while there had also been efforts to thwart the subsequent criminal investigation.

As he accepted the report's findings in the House of Commons in December 2012, Mr Cameron reiterated an apology to the Finucane family and also pledged that the government would examine the review in detail to identify potential lessons.

Mr Finucane was shot dead in front of his wife and their three children inside their north Belfast home in February 1989.

The judicial review focused on a commitment made by the UK government at Weston Park in 2001 during peace process negotiations with the Government.

The Weston Park talks resulted in Canadian judge Peter Cory being asked to examine the grounds for public inquiry in a number of controversial Troubles deaths.

The British government said such inquiries would be implemented if the judge recommended that course of action.

Judge Cory subsequently did recommend public inquiries for a number of killings, including Mr Finucane's.

But while the government ordered inquiries into the other deaths, it did not give the green light for one in the Finucane case.

Speaking following the judgment, Minister for Foreign Affairs Charlie Flanagan said: "I note this morning's judgment in the judicial review and will be studying it closely. The Irish Government's position remains unchanged.

"We continue to believe that an independent public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane, in line with the political commitments made by the British and Irish governments at Weston Park in 2001, should be honoured.

"This is a matter which the Government has consistently raised with the British Government. I raised it most recently with Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Theresa Villiers on 19 May, and the Taoiseach discussed the case with Prime Minister Cameron when they met in London last week.

"My thoughts at this time are with Geraldine Finucane and all the Finucane family, who have campaigned so tirelessly for more than a quarter of a century in pursuit of the full truth in the case of Pat Finucane, including the role of collusion in his murder.

There was some Garda collusion in the Dublin Monaghan Bombings 1974 but they was helping British government commitments in Ireland, the top Garda in 1974 was working with the British MI6 OR MI5 other members of the Garda were also working with the British intelligence.

http://www.nuzhound.com/articles/Sunday_Times/arts2010/nov7_McCoy_wont_be_spooked__LClarke.php

by Liam Clarke, Sunday Times)

We got a blast last week when a retired member of the garda special branch, John McCoy, pleaded privilege when asked under oath if he knew Fred Holroyd, a former British Military Intelligence officer with links to MI6. A long story lies behind that question.

McCoy was giving evidence by videolink from Dublin in the trial at Belfast Crown Court of Gerry McGeough, who has denied the attempted murder of a UDR soldier 30 years ago. The former garda detective denied knowing Holroyd, but also claimed privilege. Asked why, he replied: "I didn't want to pursue it to protect the state."

He added: "My reputation has been linked to this man by numerous statements and articles in the papers and this gentleman said he knew me."

That is indeed the case. Holroyd has said that McCoy's British intelligence codename during the 1970s was "the Badger", and that he was regarded as a key asset who had regular meetings with military intelligence officers and "froze" border roads to facilitate incursions. McCoy denies all this.

However, in 2003, the Barron report into the Dublin/ Monaghan bombings did show an association between them, though it discounted some of Holroyd's claims and put an entirely different interpretation on others.

I don't believe that Garda McCoy was ever a British agent, in any sensible meaning of the term. In common with Michael Foot, the former leader of the Labour party, McCoy suffered two strokes of bad luck. He had the misfortune to be listed, without his knowledge, as an agent by a foreign intelligence agency. And he was linked to an intelligence officer who turned on his own side.

In the case of Foot, it was the KGB who claimed him as one of their own in the late 1940s. Nowadays we remember that as Stalin's Russia, but at the time the USSR was seen by many as Britain's gallant wartime ally in the successful fight against fascism, and indeed an ally of progressive forces throughout the world. Foot was first editor and then managing director of Tribune, a left-wing Labour paper, and was naturally delighted when Soviet diplomats started to visit him, expressing support for the newspaper's editorial stance, and buying advertisements for bodies like British Soviet Friendship.

He didn't realise at the time that the only "diplomats" allowed to meet westerners were members of the KGB. His contacts were filing regular reports of his political musings – the sort of musings he would have shared with anybody – to Moscow and classifying him as an agent of influence.

They gave him the code name Boot. Nobody might have ever found this out if one of the KGB officers with knowledge of the files hadn't turned out to be Oleg Gordievsky, who defected to the West and wrote a book after the fall of communism. It was serialised in The Sunday Times. The newspaper consulted two retired KGB officers – Mikhail Lyubimov and Viktor Kubeykin – and published a story saying the KGB considered Foot their agent. Foot sued and received substantial damages.

The message seemed to be this: just because some spook claims you as his agent, it doesn't mean you have betrayed anything, or even knew a thing about it.

Mary McAleese, now the Irish president, suffered a similar, if lesser, embarrassment during her 1997 election campaign. Details of her frank exchanges with an Irish civil servant while she was a professor at Queen's University Belfast were leaked to the press. Her unguarded comments were reported back to Iveagh House in Dublin, and she was described as a Sinn Féin sympathiser before the IRA ceasefire. McAleese argued that her comments had been taken out of context. She had been talking about efforts to persuade the IRA to abandon violence in the light of Sinn Féin's political progress.

I believe something similar may have happened to McCoy. In 1987, when the Holroyd allegations surfaced publicly, he gave me an on-the-record interview in a bid to clear his name. He was worried because Rear Gunner, a gossip column in Republican News, was hinting that he was "the Badger", an as-yet-unnamed garda branded a British agent by Holroyd.

When I met McCoy he was stationed in Monaghan, though he was a native of Crossmaglen in Northern Ireland. He explained that he had chosen a career in the gardaí rather than the RUC because he considered himself a nationalist and enjoyed playing Gaelic games at a time when the GAA banned members of "crown forces" from their teams.

Nevertheless, as a northerner and a Special Branch officer in a border station, he was given the task of liaising with the RUC to improve intelligence co-operation. This was confidential work. Throughout the early Troubles, security and intelligence exchanges were politically sensitive. They were certainly not the routine matters they are today; people did not give press interviews and pose for pictures afterwards.

The Barron report looked in detail at McCoy's role, and the investigators interviewed both him and Holroyd. The report quotes a statement, from a garda chief superintendent, that at the time "all garda officers serving on the border were encouraged to cultivate intelligence contacts, and to protect the anonymity of those contacts even from their superiors".

Barron added: "The fact that Holroyd claims no money changed hands is further evidence that the relationship was one of mutual exchange of information, rather than one of garda 'agent' and British Army 'handler'."

In 1987, McCoy was worried that the allegations could affect his security or result in his being made a scapegoat. He showed me the Scott medal, a garda decoration, which he had received for saving the life of a republican. He insisted that his job was liaising with the RUC, though they sometimes brought Englishmen in plain clothes with them. These appear to have included Holroyd and Bunny Dearsley, a field intelligence officer who may have invented the "Badger" code name when reporting the meetings to his superiors.

McCoy also met a British bomb-disposal expert, whom he introduced to his Irish opposite number. The Irish officer later accused the Englishman of offering money when McCoy left them alone. Justice Barron found that "leaving aside the apparent offer of money, the idea of an exchange of information between British and Irish EOD [explosives ordnance disposal] officers was entirely in accord with the official policy of both sides at that time".

Which was more or less what McCoy told me back in 1987, though the interview caused a stir at the time. Sean Flynn, then The Irish Times's security correspondent, reported the following week that "in garda circles, the interview is seen as a signal to more senior officers that Detective Garda McCoy may be prepared to disclose further details of garda liaison with the British Army at that time, if any disciplinary action is taken against him". McCoy told me that, after the interview, he was warned not to talk to the press about these matters again. Which may go some distance to explain why this quietly spoken country constable remained tight-lipped about his brush with the spooks when it came up in Belfast's High Court last week.

November 8, 2010

http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/victims/docs/group/pat_finucane_centre/pfc_mullan_210499.pdf

Bombed and Abandoned -
The experience of the bereaved and maimed of the Dublin and
Monaghan Bombings
by Don Mullan

Plenty of Garda collusion with the IRA as well, although what any of this has to do with an organised crime forum I don't know.


http://www.newsletter.co.uk/news/regiona...ublin-1-6087360


http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-25220625

The report said on the balance of probability, the tribunal has found Garda-IRA collusion.

There was no evidence of collusion in the cases you put up at all.

Organised crime is bombing people on the way to work, just because the british government organised the bombing still makes it a crime in the law books.

Programme on Collusion by Daragh McIntyre and Bronach Walsh.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7TRgZ-mvQpU

RTÉ Prime Time: IRA-Garda Collusion? | Smithwick Tribunal.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gVEElax0HAY

Bit old this one.

Collusion in North Armagh/East Tyrone.

Dispatches 1991 - The Committee. Collusion between the British security forces and loyalist death squads in Lurgan, Cappagh and Belfast.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s2zCov461yI

I could post loads of links in regards to Garda and terrorist collusion, but it has nothing to do with this forum with is OC and particularly Italian American families

Sure you are on other forums which welcome terrorist propaganda

Sure you are on other forums which welcome terrorist propaganda

Dispatches is Channel 4's award-winning investigative current affairs programme.

Dispatches - All 4
www.channel4.com/programmes/dispatches/

Prime Time is a current affairs programme airing on RTÉ One on Monday (22.30) and Tuesday and Thursday nights (following the RTÉ Nine O'Clock News).

Prime Time - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedi.

Panorama is a BBC Television current affairs documentary programme. First broadcast in 1953, it is the world's longest-running current affairs television.

Panorama (TV series) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Panorama_(TV_series)

Your Anti-Irish sentiment is attracting my attention since your time posting with Sean South on the other Irish topics.

Your terrorist propaganda you try to tag on to me was top documentaries films by the British Broadcasting Corporation AKA BCC now Panorama was reporting on their own British Government in a British National Broadcast so you take it up with the BBC on terrorist propaganda and see how you get on.

RTÉ Ireland's National Television and Radio Broadcaster does prime time so you take it up with them on terrorist propaganda and see how you get on.

I have put up the links for other people to see your game and i recall you do not read the Irish topics so with some luck i will not get a reply.

Italian American families ? you have said this on other Irish topics before but you would want to take notice there is over a quarter of a million views on the 3 Irish threads so someone is views them.

What has terrorism got to do with an organised crime forum, I get the feeling you have multiple log ins and was actually Sean south on here as well.


I am not anti Irish, I am anti terrorist..

My family come from Ulster, I have lost friends and family members to cowardly terrorist Scum.

So forgive me if I come on to enjoy an organised crime forum and have terrorist propaganda shoved down my throat.

Why don't you keep you stuff on the one thread, hardly anyone else posts on your other threads apart from you and a couple of others just endlessly posting stories from the comic that is the Sunday world..


We are not going to agree so let's just leave it at that.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dublin_and_Monaghan_bombings

The Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 17 May 1974 were a series of co-ordinated no-warning car bombings in Dublin and Monaghan, Republic of Ireland. Three exploded in Dublin during rush hour and a fourth exploded in Monaghan almost ninety minutes later. They killed 33 civilians and a full-term unborn child, and injured almost 300. The bombings were the deadliest attack of the conflict known as the Troubles, and the deadliest terrorist attack in the Republic's history.[2] Most of the victims were young women, although the ages of the dead ranged from five months to 80 years.

The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), a loyalist paramilitary group from Northern Ireland, claimed responsibility for the bombings in 1993. It had launched a number of attacks in the Republic since 1969. There are credible allegations that elements of the British state security forces helped the UVF carry out the bombings, including members of the Glenanne gang. Some of these allegations have come from former members of the security forces. The Irish parliament's Joint Committee on Justice called the attacks an act of international terrorism involving British state forces.[1] The month before the bombings, the British government had lifted the UVF's status as a proscribed organisation.

The bombings happened during the Ulster Workers' Council strike. This was a general strike called by hardline loyalists and unionists in Northern Ireland who opposed the Sunningdale Agreement. Specifically, they opposed the sharing of political power with Irish nationalists, and the proposed role for the Republic in the governance of Northern Ireland. The Republic's government had helped bring about the Agreement. The strike brought down the Agreement and the Northern Ireland Assembly on 28 May.

No-one has ever been charged with the bombings. A campaign by the victims' families led to an Irish government inquiry under Justice Henry Barron. His 2003 report criticised the Garda Síochána's investigation and said the investigators stopped their work prematurely.[3] It also criticised the Fine Gael/Labour government of the time for its inaction and lack of interest in the bombings.[3] The report said it was likely that British security force personnel were involved but had insufficient evidence of higher-level involvement. However, the inquiry was hindered by the British government's refusal to release key documents.[4] The victims' families and others have continued to campaign for the British government to release these documents.

What has terrorism got to do with an organised crime forum, I get the feeling you have multiple log ins and was actually Sean south on here as well ?

You can report me to mod as Sean South.

i am not Sean South, so i will report myself to MULTIPLE ACCOUNTS WARNING
by J Geoff to see how your false allegations get on ok.

British Sean South once said i was you one time on other Irish topics so i think there is a thread on going about MULTIPLE ACCOUNTS WARNING by J Geoff so i think you must now report my account to J Geoff as you say i am Sean South, Sean South posts on this forum were from the United States he once ask me to go for a drink with him when he was in Ireland for st patrick's day i did not reply to him on that but i never did agree much with him on anything on this forum.

My family come from Ulster, I have lost friends and family members to cowardly terrorist Scum /

I recall you said something to Sean South like this and Sean South told you he lost family also.

terrorist propaganda shoved down my throat /

You got your reply in my last post report THE BBC AND RTE and see how you get on.

hardly anyone else posts on your other threads apart from you and a couple of others just endlessly posting stories from the comic that is the Sunday world ?

I do not put much Sunday World on my threads i let Don on Irish OC thread do that when he is not about i post on his thread to up date it he does not post on my threads anymore he once sent me a message saying could get pipe bomb or something like that some time later he said he was not posting anymore i do not know why and i never did ask .

anyone else posts on your other threads apart from you and a couple of others ?

When stuff is posted British it is NOT opinion based articles i agree with so i do not comment on what i put up a lot of the time sometimes people ask questions and i reply and i used to end up posting again 4 people at one time sometimes, you will recall not a lot of people post on the JFK thread and it is one of the best threads on this forum and a lot of people view it.

So forgive me if I come on to enjoy an organised crime forum and have terrorist propaganda shoved down my throat ?

I did a reply before to this for you once again i say

The Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 17 May 1974 were a series of co-ordinated no-warning car bombings in Dublin and Monaghan, Republic of Ireland They killed 33 civilians and a full-term unborn child, and injured almost 300. The bombings were the deadliest attack of the conflict known as the Troubles, and the deadliest terrorist attack in the Republic's history.[2] Most of the victims were young women, although the ages of the dead ranged from five months to 80 years.

The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), a loyalist paramilitary group from Northern Ireland, claimed responsibility for the bombings in 1993. It had launched a number of attacks in the Republic since 1969. There are credible allegations that elements of the British state security forces helped the UVF carry out the bombings, including members of the Glenanne gang. Some of these allegations have come from former members of the security forces. The Irish parliament's Joint Committee on Justice called the attacks an act of international terrorism involving British state forces.[1] The month before the bombings, the British government had lifted the UVF's status as a proscribed organisation.

The bombings happened during the Ulster Workers' Council strike. This was a general strike called by hardline loyalists and unionists in Northern Ireland who opposed the Sunningdale Agreement. Specifically, they opposed the sharing of political power with Irish nationalists, and the proposed role for the Republic in the governance of Northern Ireland. The Republic's government had helped bring about the Agreement. The strike brought down the Agreement and the Northern Ireland Assembly on 28 May.

No-one has ever been charged with the bombings. A campaign by the victims' families led to an Irish government inquiry under Justice Henry Barron. His 2003 report criticised the Garda Síochána's investigation and said the investigators stopped their work prematurely.[3] It also criticised the Fine Gael/Labour government of the time for its inaction and lack of interest in the bombings.[3] The report said it was likely that British security force personnel were involved but had insufficient evidence of higher-level involvement. However, the inquiry was hindered by the British government's refusal to release key documents.[4] The victims' families and others have continued to campaign for the British government to release these documents.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dublin_and_Monaghan_bombings



Murder is a crime in Ireland the people who set of the bombs in Dublin were state sponsored organized criminals who used Islamic State designed no-warning car bombings to kill people going to and from work.

British government's refusal to release key documents is organized crime.

#British,I grew up in belfast during the worst of the conflict and the terrorist scum I knew on the streets were the British army,the ruc(police) and they're minions in the loyalist paramilitary organisations they controlled ,armed and fed intelligence to. The propaganda you refer to was what you were watching on the news in good old`Blighty.

Another 'multi' poster arrives posting lies..

I attended my uncle's funeral, and 2 cousins funerals and also attended 3 friends funerals and all were murdered by cowardly Scum

So don't come on here with your shit....