of some of the top European orgnizations like the Ndragheta, and the Russian Mob etc.

'Ndrangheta and other groups use them as a muscle,and to answer your question,no.

It really doesn't matter what ethnic these people are. If there's a group of Nigerians who are smart and organized then they'll be able to compete with Russians or Italians. If they're a bunch of dumbfucks, then they won't reach the power. Same as with Italians or Russians who aren't enough smart.

It also depends on whose territory the conflict is happening. If Chapo Guzman comes to Nigeria, he will have no chance, even if the Sinaloa cartel may be richer and better organized.

i think they can only if nigeria become an economic power in the future the organized crime become stronger only when it run a rich country

Can you elaborate on that theory? Reason I question your comment is that usually the government with a weak system is where organized crime gains momentum.

No matter how you put it, Nigerian OC is definitely on the rise. While their activities used to be limited to the smuggling of drugs, they now have set up individual cartels that are succesful and respected partners to their Colombian colleagues.
Another evolution is the following: 20 years ago the Nigerian groups weren't seen as very violent. While Nigerian fraudsters still aren't likely to be involved in violence, the drug traffickers and racketeers nowadays are known for being extraordinary violent.

I don't have any idea why haven't there been made a large drug cartel in somewhere Africa. The place is huge with very warm weather.

There are drug cartels in west Africa.

I would say more likely transitioning into a few more activities than on the rise. 20 years ago and even presently their networks was doing more than just smuggling drugs but mid level/ wholesale level in American cities, along with financial fraud. I notice that most of the violence inthe past and now were kept to there country and a little sprinkle of it here and there internationally.

U.S. Sting That Snared African Ex-Admiral Shines Light on Drug Trade
By ADAM NOSSITER
Published: April 15, 2013

DAKAR, Senegal — For months, they met in hotel rooms and at an army base in Guinea-Bissau, plotting the exchange of thousands of pounds of cocaine and an arsenal of weapons between South America and West Africa.
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The plans involved high-ranking Guinea-Bissau military officers, present and former; drug traffickers; would-be Colombian guerrillas; and, in the background, government officials of the tiny coastal country, a haven for narcotics smuggling.

The stakes were high. Millions in cash, guns and drugs were on the table, and a swaggering figure around town, the former chief of the Guinea-Bissau Navy, Rear Adm. José Américo Bubo Na Tchuto, was determined to claim his share: a cool $1 million for each 1,000 kilos of cocaine brought in under his front company. He would then store it in an underground bunker.

Mr. Na Tchuto did not know it, but some in the sweaty negotiations were Drug Enforcement Administration operatives. The trap had been set, and on Monday, the former admiral found himself in a Manhattan courtroom facing federal drug trafficking charges, the culmination of elaborate American stings two weeks ago.

Mr. Na Tchuto — a veteran of his country’s war of liberation against Portugal in the 1960s and 1970s, which he joined at the age of 14 — was arrested by American agents on the high seas off West Africa on April 2, along with several other trafficking suspects.

The stings — a “very complex, very dangerous operation,” said Derek Maltz, special agent in charge of the D.E.A. special operations division — were the closing chapter of an American campaign in which Mr. Na Tchuto had been labeled a “drug kingpin” by the Treasury Department more than three years ago. At the end, the D.E.A. agents were “sitting out in the Atlantic Ocean, 30-40 hours, away from their families” to capture their prey, Mr. Maltz said.

The operations have also laid bare some of the inner workings of what has long been considered one of the world’s leading narco-states. Guinea-Bissau, an impoverished, tropical nation of 1.6 million, has a political history of nonstop coups and a seemingly endless array of coastal inlets and islands that have made it an ideal staging ground for Latin American cocaine bound for Europe.

Indeed, Mr. Na Tchuto told the operatives in August that times were quite propitious because of the weakness of the country’s government, installed with military backing after a coup a year ago, according to the indictments.

For much of the last decade, officials at the United Nations and elsewhere have suggested that the state itself, at its highest military and civilian levels, was implicated in the international narcotics trade. The stings go some way toward demonstrating it, for the first time.

The arrest of the former admiral appears to have shocked the authorities in the capital, Bissau. Last week, they dismissed the country’s top intelligence official, apparently for failing to spot the American operation unfolding under their noses over months.

“One can imagine that he was not able to provide information to his authorities about what was going on,” said the ambassador of the European Union in Bissau, Joaquin Gonzalez-Ducay, explaining the dismissal. The union does not recognize the current government, which has stalled on promised elections.

In the federal court documents, officials are depicted as demanding a cut of the imported cocaine — 13 percent; signing off on fake shipments of military uniforms to conceal the drugs; discussing the cocaine-and-arms scheme at high levels; accepting an upfront payment of 20,000 euros from the operatives; and setting up a front company to store the cocaine.

The D.E.A. operatives posed as members of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, the rebel group designated a terrorist organization by the United States. They met with ranking members of the Bissau military to import thousands of kilos of cocaine into the country. The Guinea-Bissau government would then buy weapons on FARC’s behalf and ship them back on the same plane that had brought in the cocaine, the indictments say.

The key intermediary in that scheme was described in the indictments as a current “high-level official in the Guinea-Bissau military,” and identified simply as “Co-Conspirator 1.”

Last July, the D.E.A.’s operatives met with him at a “military facility in Guinea-Bissau,” where the military official “acknowledged that the weapons procurement plan would go through him and the Guinea-Bissau government.”

The military official then “agreed with the proposal to ship FARC cocaine to Guinea-Bissau for later distribution in the U.S. and to procure weapons for FARC,” and he “stated that he would discuss the plan with the president of Guinea-Bissau,” the indictments say.

A spokesman for the Guinea-Bissau president, Manuel Serifo Nhamadjo, who took power last year after the military coup, has denied any involvement in the plot. For much of last year, the United States tried to work with Mr. Nhamadjo’s government, even as the D.E.A operatives were hatching their sting in the capital.

In August, one of the indicted traffickers, Manuel Mamadi Mane, “conveyed a request for military uniforms” — which would be used to hide the cocaine shipped into Bissau — “from the prime minister of Guinea-Bissau,” the indictments say.

Several months later, one of the D.E.A. operatives was shown “Guinea-Bissau government paperwork relating to the purchase of weapons,” which would have included surface-to-air missiles to shoot down American helicopters in Colombia.

The operatives who carried out the unusual stings are identified only as “confidential sources” in the indictments; no D.E.A. agents were in Bissau, said Mr. Maltz, the special agent. “It’s a narco-state,” he said. “There’s no way we would put any of our agents in Guinea-Bissau. It’s too risky.”

Mr. Maltz said there had “absolutely not” been any cooperation from the Guinea-Bissau authorities. But the arrests, particularly of Mr. Na Tchuto, may have shaken things up in Bissau.

“The era of impunity is over,” said Mr. Gonzalez-Ducay, the European Union ambassador.

corruption and organized crime are not the same thing there are tons of third world country weak and extremely corrupted but they have no any significant oc group
the major oc groups flourishe in developed or at least quite rich countries, that's coz if nigeria remains a third world country i doubt its oc groups can reach the same power as italian mafia, yakuza, russians or triads

Yet corruption and organized crime goes hand and hand.The Italian mafias, Triads, Yakuza, and Russian syndicates formed and rose during a time where their countries was going through turbulent times. Nigeria isn't a third world country and is on the "Next Eleven" list. What level are you speaking of? They are an international organized crime threat along with the other crime groups you mentioned.

Nigeria isn't a third world country? What are you talking about?
http://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/third_world.htm
You can also take a look at this picture;


Some of world most corrupted countries are: Somalia,Sudan,Uzbekistan,Turkmenistan,Myanmar...And they doesn't have powerful organized crime groups.

If you could show me some source that will hold up on your theory that they are an international organized crime threat.

Terrorist groups in Uzbekistan and Myanmar are practically organized crime. The Wa State Army and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan are large narcotic producing and trafficking groups. Gangsters of the Wa ethnic group are well known in Thailand, while Uzbek criminals are often part of what we call the 'Russian mafia'.
Somalis are involved in drug trafficking abroad. Somali gangs in the UK are beginning to look more and more like Yardies.

Think you can also pretty safely suggest al-shabaab are engaged in widespread organised crime in parts of Somalia.

And, up until the last couple of months, Somalis were engaged in large scale piracy off the Horn of Africa. They were organised criminals making millions and millions every year. Whole coastal communities in Somalia exist off the back of organised crime.



Somali gangs in the UK are pretty much limited to London, and even then only in very specific parts of London. Somali gang problems in the UK are way overplayed. The main reason being because people are intimidated by how unassimilated and culturally different many Somalis in London are, and they use them as scapegoats, like this child killing scumbag did: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/c...ourt-hears.html

Main reasons for this happening are: Somali communities are incredibly close-knit and religious which means they tend to reject and opt out of mainstream education in favour of mosque-based learning. It also means they tend not to work outside their community, leaving many young men unemployed and hanging around the streets chewing khat. That turns A LOT of people against them.

Seocndly, a lot of these young guys' fathers were killed in the Somali CIvil War, so at home many are surrounded only by women. Somali culture is VERY male-dominated, so its basically culturally accepted that a male can overule his mother and female relatives, and live his life as he wants, from about age 14/15 - sometimes younger. This leads to many young men making very bad life choices.

Thirdly, the guys that ARE in gangs tend to be pretty bloodthirsty and don't really fear prison - so when they do commit crimes they are often fairly shocking, brutal and public. Like murder over a £10 debt, or stabbing someone to death in a busy shopping centre because they looked at them the wrong way or whatever. This bloody ruthlessness presumably stems from the violent, chaotic world these guys grew up in.

And fourthly, the Somali community is probably less likely to speak with the police than any other ethnic group in London. Again this is because they'd rather trial and punish criminals through private sharia courts then through western "kuffar" law.

All the isolation and alienation adds up make Londoners disproportionatly concerned about a relatively small group of people. It's definitely not like the Yardies yet. Crime-wise its all really petty. Street drug dealing, muggings, vehicle theft, more mugging, general territorial disputes, bit more mugging. Not a lot else.

For anyone interested in reading more, there's some pretty interesting stuff here: http://www.wardheernews.com/Articles_12/...outh_crime.html

I already had a feeling you could call bullshit on the reports of Somali gangs in London being new, fresh, to be feared players in organized crime.

Nigeria isn't a third world country? What are you talking about?

According to the worldbank.org, Nigeria is a lower middle income country. They organized countries into 3 categories: High , Middle (subdivided into upper and lower), and Low. If this correlates with 1st,2nd, and 3rd world terms than Nigeria is a 2nd world country.By the way, that link to the website says it is an outdated map.


If you could show me some source that will hold up on your theory that they are an international organized crime threat.

It's not a theory, here's the sources:
http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/investigate/organizedcrime/african -FBI

https://www.europol.europa.eu/sites/default/files/publications/socta2013.pdf -Europol Report

http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/tocta/TOCTA_Report_2010_low_res.pdf -UNODC Report

Never knew there were somali gangs in london.

The original term or definition of a "third world" country is a political term to countries not directly or heavily influenced by either the Soviets of the United States. "Second world" countries were countries heavily influenced/supported or directly "controlled" by the Soviet Union which including much of the Slav states and some Latin American countries like Guatemala or Cuba. "First world" countries were countries directly influenced or heavily supported by the "West".