Washington’s commitment to ensuring Israel maintains a qualitative edge in military capability dates back to Lyndon B. Johnson’s presidency.
In 2008 it was formally codified into a law requiring that Jerusalem’s position be considered before any weapons sales to the region.

The doctrine is rooted in Israel’s position as a democratic ally surrounded by often-hostile neighbors.
Given its geographic and demographic disadvantages Israel cannot rely on quantity in warfare and instead depends on technological and tactical superiority.

Over the decades, US arms sales to Arab states have repeatedly put Israel’s QME to the test.
At times, they have only gone through thanks to US assurances or complementary arms sales to Israel.

In 1981 Jerusalem strongly objected to Washington’s decision to sell AWACS surveillance planes and advanced F-15 enhancement packages to Saudi Arabia, fearing it would erode Israel’s technological superiority.

Despite fierce opposition, Congress narrowly approved the deal, with then-president Ronald Reagan offering Israel a set of reassurances, including an additional $600 million in military aid and 15 new F-15s.

More recently, the Trump administration in 2020 agreed to sell 50 F-35s to the UAE following Abu Dhabi’s agreement to normalize relations with Israel, though officials denied any linkage between the two.

The potential F-35 sales raised red flags in Israel, but Jerusalem eventually said it would not oppose the deal, after the US agreed to sign a formal agreement reaffirming Washington’s legally enshrined commitment to maintaining Israel’s regional military advantage.

In the end, the sale was torpedoed by the UAE rather than the QME. In 2021 the Emirates suspended talks with the Biden administration on buying the planes due to various disagreements over the sale, including their price tag, and in 2024 officials in Abu Dhabi said they did not plan to revive the deal.