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Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #953863
09/23/18 11:31 AM
09/23/18 11:31 AM
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GangstersInc Offline
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“Corey Hamlet is as smart as any CEO we’ve prosecuted” – Profile of Grape Street Crips leader Corey Hamlet http://gangstersinc.ning.com/profil...as-any-ceo-we-ve-prosecuted-profile-of-g


The best website about global organized crime & the Mafia: http://www.gangstersinc.org - Since 2001 - Want to write for us? Drop me a DM/mail!
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #954433
10/01/18 12:38 PM
10/01/18 12:38 PM
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New York Times exposes 90 ‘mafia-style’ ANC murders over two years

https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/n...-mafia-style-anc-murders-over-two-years/


"The king is dead, long live the king!"
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #954454
10/01/18 06:05 PM
10/01/18 06:05 PM
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Posts: 1,684
new jersey
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thebigfella Offline
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new jersey
In Canada, the Jamaican shower posse work behind the scene, does anyone knows thier current status in america


"McGurn likes you, so I make you. So you are now one of us, if you fuck up, we take it out on McGurn. He is your sponsor. Fuck up, it's his ass. You work in his crew, he is your capo."
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #955792
10/16/18 12:09 PM
10/16/18 12:09 PM
Joined: Oct 2013
Posts: 5,094
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He [Rikidozan] was also heavily tied in to the Yakuza, which ultimately led to his murder. Over disagreements about money and control of the wrestling business, Rikidozan had angered the wrong people. A Yakuza member urinated on a knife, to make sure it would cause an infection, and stabbed Rikidozan in the stomach in a night club hallway. After the stabbing, Rikidozan beat the shit out of the guy who stabbed him while the crowd cheered and then threw the guy out of the club. He then got on stage, announced he'd been stabbed and acted like it was no big thing and continued partying and drinking with a crowd of adoring fans. But he made a fatal mistake by not getting medical attention, contracted peritonitis from the dirty knife, and got an infection and died a week later. His death nearly killed the entire wrestling industry in Japan, especially after the real stories about his life became known to the public (they all worshiped Rikidozan as a sports hero and in reality, he was basically a merciless mob boss who was into a lot of shady shit). Most major arenas no longer allowed pro wrestling and with the biggest star ever dead, the business nearly died with him until Giant Baba and, later, Inoki revived it during the JWA years in the late-1960s.

https://www.reddit.com/r/SquaredCir...he_book_the/?st=jnbx9mzb&sh=4c9102de


I invoke my right under the 5th amendment of the United States constitution and decline to answer the question.
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: thebigfella] #955804
10/16/18 02:47 PM
10/16/18 02:47 PM
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Originally Posted by thebigfella
In Canada, the Jamaican shower posse work behind the scene, does anyone knows thier current status in america



They are supposed to be well established in Toronto, but they are low key. They are probably also present in cities like new york and miami.
Since the arrest of Coke, we are earing less about them.

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #955837
10/16/18 10:48 PM
10/16/18 10:48 PM
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Since the 1980s, Nigerian organised crime has migrated around the world. They established strong roots in Italy and, from the 1990s, in parts of South Africa. Valentina Pancieri, postgraduate researcher and police officer on sabbatical, is investigating the motivations for migration of Nigerian organised crime into these two nations.

Throughout history, there have been factors that force or motivate criminal organisations to move. These range from new opportunities and competition to the threat of law enforcement.

The birth and initial migration of Nigerian organised crime are closely linked to three historical events, says Pancieri, who is in her second year of PhD research in the Institute for Safety Governance and Criminology.

The first is the discovery of oil in the 1950s that resulted in a surge of wealth and accompanying corruption. The second is the economic depression in the 1980s and the third, widespread corruption. These three events meant many skilled Nigerians migrated in search of employment opportunities.

As legal operations moved along with ordinary immigrants, so organised crime moved with its role-players.

“It is very important to note that not all Nigerian immigrants are involved in crime,” says Pancieri. “Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa so it has a greater chance of having a higher number of people involved in criminal activities.”

Those Nigerian criminals were quick to learn from their counterparts in the host nation, modernising operations and building on existing networks.

Many unemployed graduates with good IT skills took advantage of the information boom in the 1990s, and became leading players in cybercrime as the notorious ‘419ers’.

So began Nigerian transnational crime.

From organised crime to Italian mafiosi

In Italy, Nigerian criminal groups are allegedly establishing successful partnerships with native mafia families. They are thought to be adopting the structure and operational methods of the families, using intimidation to run their businesses and seeking to govern both legal and illicit enterprises through criminal protection.

Nigerian criminal groups have been so successful in mimicking the notorious families that Italian police started addressing them as ‘mafia’.

Pancieri agrees with her native police force, saying that they tick many of the boxes for organised crime: an active structure, sustained international partnerships and a well-planned criminal strategy.

The move to South Africa

Another country in which Nigerian mafia became established was South Africa.

“Crime moves when there are push and pull factors in place,” says Pancieri.

In addition to the ‘forced migration’ of Nigerian political and economic instability, Pancieri lists new or booming markets and a demand for mafia services as motivations to move.

The arrival of a large number of Nigerian immigrants to South Africa began in the mid-1990s as the country was undergoing its transition from apartheid to democracy. With their home country in turmoil, South Africa proved easy to enter due to Nigeria’s contribution to the liberation struggle.

New markets and a demand for mafia services

In Italy, the families had satisfied the demand for many illegal services, but Nigerian organised crime established themselves through the demand for Nigerian prostitutes. In South Africa, Nigerian syndicates first established themselves in Johannesburg in the late 1990s. As a virgin territory for organised crime, it was well suited to establish a new criminal venture, bringing in cocaine and crack.

In that period, nightclubs started hiring Nigerian bouncers as security, replacing white ones who were more prone to violence and attracted unwanted police attention. This acted as a marketing asset for the Nigerians involved in drugs, who could enlarge their market through selling in clubs.

While Nigerians never controlled the security industry, through their established South American contacts, they began importing cocaine, which is not produced in South Africa and for which local criminals had very few contacts.

Nigerians soon established themselves as controllers of the cocaine and crack supply chain.

To this day, cocaine is still not available in large quantities on the South African market and Johannesburg remains the headquarters for Nigerian illicit activities in South Africa.

Friends and family

In addition to markets and demands, “ethnic ties are very important to the way crime moves”, says Pancieri.

According to her research, Nigerian mafia will, prior to establishing themselves in the host country, seek out and join those with a shared background.

“You want to do business – legal and illegal – with people from your culture and language,” she says.

Territory

The presence of established criminal organisations serves as a deterrent for Nigerian mafia. In Cape Town, gangs control the Cape Flats, feeding its supply of cheaper, more addictive drugs –predominantly to impoverished communities.

“You won’t find Nigerian syndicates selling drugs on the Cape Flats,” says Pancieri. “Nigerian criminals do not appear to want to fight.”

How to curb Nigerian mafia
Instead, when they first arrived in Cape Town, Nigerians set up shops in the affluent and relatively gang-free Sea Point to expand their business into the drug trade and sex trafficking.

But they did not stay there. Through collaboration between police, law enforcement and the local neighbourhood watch, Nigerian syndicates were pushed out of Sea Point, forcing them to find a new stronghold in the city’s northern suburbs.

The Sea Point case demonstrated South African police’s ability to break organised crime.

“But it is not an easy structure to eradicate,” says Pancieri. “You need to be trained, equipped and conducting wiretapping investigations. You need to be monitoring people.”

Pancieri, who is a police officer herself, stresses the need for dedication and patience. “You need to understand who does what, how they enter the country and what motivates them to come,” she says.

Pancieri hopes that the understanding that results from her research will strengthen transnational police operations in their fight against Nigerian crime, and enable judiciary systems and social support agencies in their work with criminals, criminal networks and victims.

“Until something related to police intelligence work is done, Nigerian criminal syndicates will always be successful,” she says

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #955839
10/16/18 11:28 PM
10/16/18 11:28 PM
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Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: Blackmobs] #955840
10/17/18 01:54 AM
10/17/18 01:54 AM
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Posts: 3,005
Mississippi - 662
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Mississippi - 662
Originally Posted by Blackmobs


I shared this information in a thread a few years ago.


If you think you are too small to make a difference, you haven't spend the night with a mosquito.
- African Proverb
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: BlackFamily] #955870
10/17/18 01:35 PM
10/17/18 01:35 PM
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Originally Posted by BlackFamily
Originally Posted by Blackmobs


I shared this information in a thread a few years ago.


Its really a good one.
I’m trying to find one like this, but in the caribbean.

https://books.google.ca/books?id=ES...ribbean%20drug%20trafficking&f=false

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #957935
11/16/18 08:06 AM
11/16/18 08:06 AM
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GangstersInc Offline
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Lucky Number 7: Longtime drug trafficker sentenced in multi-state cocaine, marijuana pipeline http://gangstersinc.ning.com/profil...drug-trafficker-sentenced-in-multi-state


The best website about global organized crime & the Mafia: http://www.gangstersinc.org - Since 2001 - Want to write for us? Drop me a DM/mail!
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #959491
12/13/18 08:08 AM
12/13/18 08:08 AM
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investigations have revealed that weapons from Haiti, including some belonging to the National Police, have been found in the Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Venezuela, or Mexico in the hands of drug lords.

https://rezonodwes.com/vladimir-par...c3yWAvUmPUSsdk9kbMKcZc3Z_IeGZ8PmwNhUEgVo

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #959492
12/13/18 08:20 AM
12/13/18 08:20 AM
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How the DEA let one of Haiti’s biggest drug busts slip through its fingers

PORT-AU-PRINCE
The Panamanian-flagged cargo ship pulled into a privately owned Haitian port in broad daylight with a secret buried under a mountain of imported sugar: 700 to 800 kilos of cocaine and 300 kilos of heroin with an estimated U.S. street value of $100 million.

When longshoremen started unloading the bags of sugar, they stumbled across the hidden stash — and a lawless free-for-all unfolded. Bags of drugs were grabbed by a host of people, including police officers who sped up to the docks in cars with tinted windows, according to a Haiti police report obtained by the Miami Herald and confirmed by an agent with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration.

By the time a squad of Haiti narcotics police officers arrived at the dock two hours later, most of the drugs were gone.

The sugar boat haul in April 2015 should have been exactly the kind of smuggling operation that DEA agents and Haiti’s narcotics police were prepared to take down. But today, more than three years after the MV Manzanares docked at the Terminal Varreux port in Cité Soleil, the only person behind bars is a low-level longshoreman, awaiting trial on drug smuggling charges. No one in authority — neither Haiti’s anti-drug police nor the DEA — has been held accountable for the missing drugs on the sugar boat.

The bungling of the investigation in Haiti didn’t even come to light until two veteran DEA agents filed whistle-blower complaints that have triggered a U.S. Justice Department investigation into the effectiveness of the DEA’s drug-fighting efforts in the impoverished country. An initial review by the Office of Special Counsel, an independent government agency, took two years and recently found “a substantial likelihood of wrongdoing” in the DEA’s Haiti Country Office. That resulted in an automatic referral to Attorney General Jeff Sessions for an investigation by the Justice Department.

There are other inquiries into the DEA office in Haiti, too.

The DEA agents’ complaints, filed in 2016, have attracted the attention of the powerful House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform and Florida Republican Sen. Marco Rubio, who called the allegations “substantial.” Both requested a Justice Department probe. In addition, two separate criminal investigations into the Manzanares smuggling case are also under way — one by Haitian authorities, the other by the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Miami.

In the whistle-blower complaints, the two agents lay out a list of allegations, blaming their own office along with Haiti’s narcotics police for security failures at Haiti’s ports that they said have allowed drugs to flow through the country long before the Manzanares incident. They say thousands of kilos of cocaine and other drugs had been passing through Haiti undetected for years, en route to the United States. They also accuse DEA supervisors in the Haiti office of corruption, misconduct and even collusion with the former head of the country’s anti-drug unit, which is called the Brigade in the Fight Against Narcotics Trafficking, or BLTS.

Their scathing accusations suggest that the U.S. government has wasted U.S. taxpayers’ money with little to show for it. The U.S. pays for the DEA’s operations in Port-au-Prince and has invested more than $250 million in Haiti’s roughly 15,000-member police force in the past eight years. About $18.7 million of that amount has gone for training and other resources for the Haitian police 300-member narcotics unit but nothing for seaport security in Port-au-Prince.

Both longtime DEA agents — the Miami Herald is not naming them because whistle-blower laws protect the identities of federal workers who disclose government wrongdoing — said they see the Varreux port incident as a missed opportunity and part of a larger failure of the U.S. war on drugs in Haiti.

“The vessel was a demonstration of the corruption of BLTS, apathy of the U.S. government and exploitation by the drug traffickers,” one of the agents told the Herald.

The DEA’s recently appointed special agent in charge of the Caribbean division, A.J. Collazo, insisted in an interview last month that the eight-person office in Port-au-Prince has collaborated effectively with Haiti’s anti-drug officers to slow the flow of cocaine and other narcotics into the U.S.

“We’re there to fight narcotics trafficking,” he said. “We’re not there to allow it to happen or to sit back and not do anything about it.”

He laid responsibility for the Manzanares case on Haiti alone. He said of the DEA: “I don’t know if it was a case that we were looking to make.”

That viewpoint isn’t shared by at least one other U.S. law enforcement agency. The Herald has learned that the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Miami is considering whether to file drug-trafficking charges in connection with the Manzanares smuggling operation based on evidence gathered by one of the whistle-blower DEA agents, who believes the drugs were destined for Florida. The U.S. Attorney’s Office wouldn’t confirm that, or say whether there is a U.S. investigation into the Manzanares at all.

But a spokeswoman for the U.S. Coast Guard, which helped Haitian police search for the drugs, said the sugar boat case “is still an open [federal] investigation.”

Blowing the whistle
The whistle-blowers’ allegations, coupled with interviews and documents obtained by the Herald, paint a picture of a DEA office in Haiti operating with little oversight as supervisory agents allowed what might have been the biggest drug bust in Haiti in a decade to slip through their fingers.

The agents, who have a combined 40 years with the DEA, say their agency should have done a thorough investigation into drugs on the Manzanares but those efforts were stymied by their supervisors — even though one of the agents says he had collected evidence showing that the ship’s cocaine and heroin loads were destined for the U.S.

When they tried to reduce the flow of drugs from Haiti by improving seaport security, the two DEA agents say they also suffered from retaliation. One said he was placed on bathroom escort duty at the U.S. Embassy; the other said he was harassed so badly by his immediate commander that he suffered severe health problems. Their lawyers said the agents want to force the agency to change what they called a lax approach to fighting drug smuggling in Haiti.

The whistle-blower complaints, meanwhile, have been winding through a web of government regulation. The Office of Special Counsel’s referral to Sessions happened in May. It’s unclear whether the Justice Department’s Office of Inspector General or the DEA’s internal affairs office would handle the resulting probe. Neither agency would comment on the status of the case.

Lawyer Tom Devine, legal director for the nonprofit Government Accountability Project in Washington, D.C., that represents federal employees with whistle-blower complaints, said his group is encouraged by the special counsel’s referral of the complaints to the Justice Department.

“It means … [the special counsel] agrees the concerns likely are a serious breach of the public trust, which must be investigated and acted on,” Devine said.

This spring, the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform and Rubio also had asked for a DOJ investigation. House members had expressed their disappointment with the DEA’s internal handling of the complaints, and wanted an independent agency to review the allegations.

Rubio, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, said he is concerned about what he says is a “substantial amount” of cocaine bound for Florida that’s moving through Haiti with impunity as South American traffickers look for routes beyond Central America and Mexico.

“Traffickers are always looking for new routes,” he said. “And if word gets out that routes have been established because key individuals are compromised, it’s going to attract more people to jump on that route.”

‘Sugar boat’ bust
When the Manzanares docked in Haiti on April 5, 2015, it had already spent three days anchored off the bay of Port-au-Prince, according to the Haiti National Police investigative report. The 371-foot freighter was coming from Buenaventura, Colombia, with a 13-member crew and pulled into Terminal Varreux. More than 24 hours passed before Haitian customs arrived to clear the ship.

Routine cargo unloading began — until the discovery of the hidden packages of cocaine and heroin. Arguments over the drugs started in the cargo hold, then spread to the docks. Witnesses later told Haitian police they saw bags of drugs whisked away in vehicles — specifically, a white Toyota Land Cruiser with tinted windows driven by what witnesses said was a Haitian police officer assigned to the National Palace and a yellow Nissan XTerra driven by a special tactical police officer who was accompanied by another officer. One of the whistle-blowers also said some of the drugs were even stolen by a judge.

One of the DEA agents described the scene: “You have all of these folks running in there trying to get their fill.”

For two hours, though, no Haiti police officers were on the scene. It wasn’t until 5:30 p.m. that Haiti’s anti-drug unit — alerted by a Varreux port manager to the frenzy — showed up and then notified the DEA in Port-au-Prince, according to Haitian officials. For several days, the Haitian narcotics officers were unable to find the drugs, even with the help of two K-9 dogs.

“It was just a bunch of guys standing around not knowing what to do,” said the DEA agent, who was at the port the day after the fight broke out. He noted that the Haitian officers didn’t even know how to board the boat, much less search it: “[They] had never done it.”

The Haitian police investigative report acknowledged that “there probably was a quantity of drugs that was removed during the first hours” of the unloading of the ship on the afternoon of April 6. A source familiar with the case also said that at least some of the drugs were diverted from the boat, beginning the night before when the Manzanares was docked.

The DEA and Haiti investigators believe that the Manzanares held as much as 800 kilos of cocaine and 300 kilos of heroin, based on intelligence and the capacity of the ship’s secret hold.

“We are talking about a well-planned set-up intended to recover the drugs as quickly as possible,” the Haiti police report said. It described the scheme as “strategic and well-calculated.”

After days of being unable to find any trace of the drugs, Haitian police called for assistance from the U.S. Coast Guard in Miami. Together, they eventually found a fraction of the suspected stash — about 109 kilos of cocaine and almost 16 kilos of heroin — still concealed on the ship.

“The cocaine and heroin that was seized would not have been found were it not for the U.S. Coast Guard ... team,” said Marilyn Fajardo, the U.S. Coast Guard spokeswoman in Miami.

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #959493
12/13/18 08:23 AM
12/13/18 08:23 AM
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There has been no accounting for the rest of the drugs that went missing from the ship, which has been seized by the Haitian government. But the whistle-blower agents say they suspect a now-former commander of the Haiti anti-drug unit, Joris Mergelus, was involved. They accuse him of taking bribes to hinder the investigation by Haitian police of the drug-laden ship. They also believe that Mergelus had given kickbacks to a DEA supervisor in the past from funds for confidential sources, equipment and other expenses. Mergelus also had previously failed two lie-detector tests given by the DEA about his relationship with drug dealers, they say.

Mergelus strongly denied any links to drug traffickers. In an interview with the Herald, he said the litany of allegations “truly surprises me” and that he believes he’s being made into the fall guy for what is really an internal conflict among DEA agents in Haiti. He challenged the claim that he had failed the polygraph tests.

“If I didn’t pass, why did they accept me as head of BLTS?” said Mergelus, who joined the narcotics unit in 1997 and became its commander in 2011. “All the big drug arrests in Haiti, I did.”

Mergelus was removed from the command post in 2017 by Haiti’s new police chief, at the insistence of the DEA’s new Haiti Country Office chief, but he remains on the police force.

Haiti police Inspector Normil Rameau, who oversaw the anti-drug unit and its investigation into the Manzanares case, did not respond to the Herald’s request for comment about the allegations involving Mergelus. Rameau was removed from the post late last month but promoted days later by outgoing Prime Minister Jack Guy Lafontant to Haiti’s Washington embassy, according to an Aug. 1 letter signed by Lafontant.

To the DEA whistle-blowers, the Manzanares smuggling operation is just one more symptom of an ongoing problem: a high volume of drugs coursing through Haiti’s seaports and the country’s inability to stem it. They point to Haiti’s anti-drug police, who they say should have received port security training and had no idea of how to properly search a ship. They note that the police force had an office at the nearby government port in Port-au-Prince — but not at Terminal Varreux, which the whistle-blowers believe has become a hub for drug shipments between Colombia and the United States.

“There was absolutely no understanding of the most basic concept of how to do the seaport enforcement,” said one of the whistle-blower agents. “Nobody from the BLTS had the slightest inkling on what they were doing at that seaport. ... They were just completely clueless.”

The Manzanares smuggling operation wasn’t even particularly sophisticated. There were no anti-drug police at Terminal Varreux to circumvent. Newly installed video cameras weren’t even operating at the privately owned port.

Miami attorney Joel Hirschhorn, who represents members of the Mevs family that owns Terminal Varreux, said the port’s security has not been loose. The family even paid to build a BLTS substation at the port in 2017, he said. But that was two years after the Manzanares incident.

“The allegations that the port has ‘lax security’ and that illegal substances have been freely flowing are false as proven by the port’s security records,” Hirschhorn said in a statement. “[Terminal Varreux] has one of the tightest security operations of Haitian ports.”


Porous borders
But in general, Haiti’s seaports, airports and border security efforts are weak, the State Department says.

“Drug seizures still remain low, and Haiti’s minimal capacity to police its sea and land borders is a particular point of concern,” according to a 2018 international narcotics strategy report by the department’s Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, or INL.

Until five years ago, the major drug-smuggling threat to Haiti had been Colombian traffickers flying cocaine onto makeshift landing strips and making airdrops off the coast. Today, the greater challenge is maritime trafficking along Haiti’s vast 1,100-mile coastline, according to the report.

The Haitian Coast Guard, which has primary responsibility for the country’s territorial waters, lacks funding, management skills and fuel supplies — and only has five working vessels, the report said, adding that Coast Guard has failed to serve as “an effective deterrent force to maritime drug trafficking.”

But Haiti’s second line of defense against drugs — seaport security in Port-au-Prince and other areas — has been equally porous because of a lack of basic training of Haitian police officers. While the INL has spent $18.7 million since 2010 on supporting Haiti’s anti-drug police and coast guard operations, the agency has provided “limited funding” for more specialized training — only $500,000. Only a fraction of that money has gone to seaport security training, an INL spokesperson said.

And that’s the root of Haiti’s persistent drug-smuggling problem, according to the whistle-blower agents: the DEA’s failure to properly train anti-drug officers on vessel inspections in Port-au-Prince and other key ports. The agents complained not only about corruption among Haitian police officers but also said there was a “vacuum” in seaport enforcement during evenings and weekends.

“There was no underlying [counternarcotics] law enforcement program in Haiti for seaport smuggling,” one of the agents asserted.

Rameau, the former Haiti police inspector, did not respond to a request for comment on seaport security training for Haiti’s anti-drug police.

Last year, Haiti’s anti-drug officers seized only 48 kilos of cocaine, while the U.S. Coast Guard confiscated about twice that amount in and outside of the country’s territorial waters. Haiti also arrested 110 suspects for drug-related crimes, but only a few were actually prosecuted because of the country’s notoriously dysfunctional justice system, the 2018 INL report said.

Only one “high-value target” was turned over to U.S. authorities in 2017: Guy Philippe, an elusive former Haitian police commander who had led a rebellion against then-President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004. Philippe had been on the lam for almost 12 years before DEA agents, in collaboration with the Haiti National Police, nabbed him.

Philippe was brought to the U.S. and pleaded guilty to a drug-related money-laundering charge. He is serving nine years in federal prison. The investigation into Philippe grew out of the 2003 expulsion from Haiti of drug kingpin Beaudoin “Jacques” Ketant and the subsequent extraditions of Haitian police officers, politicians and others. All but one were convicted for allowing drugs to be transported through Haiti to the U.S.

In contrast, most other drug-trafficking cases investigated by the DEA in Haiti and prosecuted by the U.S. Attorney’s Office during the past decade have been small-time operations involving low-profile Haitian dealers moving lighter loads of cocaine, Miami court records show.

A.J. Collazo, the special agent who took over the DEA’s Caribbean division in January, dismissed the idea that the agency isn’t doing its job in Haiti and questioned the relevance of the Manzanares sugar boat case to the United States. Haitian police made the seizure at the Varreux port, he said, and its judicial system took responsibility for prosecution.

“I don’t know if there was any intel that it was going to the U.S. as part of a DEA case,” Collazo said. “This sounds to me like it was something that was being prosecuted in Haiti and is going to end in Haiti.”

The Haiti case seems to be grinding to a halt. A Haitian investigative judge who oversaw the sugar boat case dismissed most of the initial suspects, including the 13-member Manzanares crew and one member of the prominent Mevs family, Jean Fritz Bernard Mevs.

In 2016, a Haitian judge charged a handful of suspects with drug trafficking: businessmen Marc Antoine Acra and Sébastien François Xavier Acra, the brothers who owned the company, NABATCO, that commissioned the sugar shipment from Colombia. The port’s foreman, Fedner “Supris” Doliscar, was also indicted along with longshoreman Grégory Georges.

Marc Antoine Acra told the Herald he’s innocent and deflected the accusations, saying that investigators aren’t going after the real traffickers. The well-known businessman, even as he was under investigation in the Manzanares case, was appointed a Haiti Goodwill Ambassador by former President Michel Martelly.

In April, a three-judge appeals court in Haiti put the Manzanares trial on hold and assigned a new judge to the case. It ordered the investigation reopened to allow questioning of the ship’s captain and 12 crew members, none of whom are in Haiti. The panel also wanted a DEA agent to testify in the case, but that has yet to happen.


Of the 16 people originally arrested, including the ship’s crew, only the lone longshoreman, Georges, remains behind bars.

https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/haiti/article215793990.html

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #959543
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Could it be said that present day sophisticated Black American criminal organizations make up the most elusive type of organized crime in the contemporary US ? I mean one can read a lot about the activities of LCN families , Mexican drug cartels , and so forth in the American press , yet non street gang type Black American criminal organizations are hardly if ever mentioned .


I mean I think Craig Petties was the last guy that made headlines who fit the bill and that was 10 years ago .

Last edited by 2a; 12/13/18 10:15 PM.
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #959545
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Well it depend on what you are searching for. For exemple, of you’re searching in news from new york, atlanta or houston, you will find black organized groups in the news.

Also, news prefer to talk about the mafia and cartels more than black gangs or natives gangs, because they are more fantasies than other groups.

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #959566
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there's a lot of misinformation out there. for example, the myths surrounding BMF. just take a look at their wikipedia page, it's full of lies. BMF was a record label and knot organized crime. Craig petties was real,but he had know affiliation with BMF or big meech contrary to popular belief. the BMF story is a sham. stop mentioning BMF when you mention black oarganized crime. there were plenty of real black oarganized groups,BMF is knot one of them.

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #959571
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Originally Posted by 2a



Could it be said that present day sophisticated Black American criminal organizations make up the most elusive type of organized crime in the contemporary US ? I mean one can read a lot about the activities of LCN families , Mexican drug cartels , and so forth in the American press , yet non street gang type Black American criminal organizations are hardly if ever mentioned .


I mean I think Craig Petties was the last guy that made headlines who fit the bill and that was 10 years ago .


They're regular indictments of Black syndicates throughout large metros , it's just doesn't capture mainstream narrative . There's no name brand collective/umbrella term for Black OC in America due to both a history of bias & small percantage of the feds having Black agents. Additionally it's quite common for Black syndicates to recruit mainly relatives, extended relatives, and friends from a familiar background.


If you think you are too small to make a difference, you haven't spend the night with a mosquito.
- African Proverb
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: Blackmobs] #959572
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Originally Posted by Blackmobs
Well it depend on what you are searching for. For exemple, of you’re searching in news from new york, atlanta or houston, you will find black organized groups in the news.

Also, news prefer to talk about the mafia and cartels more than black gangs or natives gangs, because they are more fantasies than other groups.


There's a longer history of agents infiltrating those groups ( LCN, 1 % Clubs, other white mobs/syndicates) & mainstream politics/Hollywood focus on transnational drug trafficking orgs from south of the border to south america.


If you think you are too small to make a difference, you haven't spend the night with a mosquito.
- African Proverb
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #959648
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Canadian drug dealer of Haitian origin jailed in the United States is sent back to Canada

A Canadian drug dealer of Haitian descent who was until recently jailed in the United States was turned over to Canadian authorities earlier this month.
Laveaux François, 56, known to have trafficked cocaine between Haiti and the United States, escaped from a correctional facility in the Montreal area in 1994 on leave.
According to the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), he fled to Haiti. Four years before that run, in 1990, he was arrested by US authorities in Miami while attempting to unload a large quantity of cocaine from a ship.

For this crime, he was convicted and sentenced to 324 months incarceration. His sentence was then reduced to 180 months.
A few years later, in September 1994, François was transferred to Canada to finish serving his sentence. After eight months of incarceration, on leave authorized by Correctional Service Canada, the individual took the opportunity to return to his native country where he resumed his activities in the drug trafficking sector, according to US authorities .

The fugitive was arrested again in July 2007 by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), this time in Haiti, and was extradited to the United States. In December 2007, he was sentenced again to a term of imprisonment for 400 months. His sentence was later reduced to 158 months.
On October 26, when he was released from the Moshannon Valley Correctional Center in Pennsylvania, Laveaux François was arrested, subject to an expedited expulsion notice from the United States for non-compliance with the US immigration law. as an immigrant without a valid visa or other document necessary for his admission ".
The man was handed over "without incident" to Canadian authorities on December 4 under an arrest warrant issued by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.
The nature of the arrest warrant against him was not specified, but could be related to his escape from his permission in the mid-1990s.

https://www.journaldemontreal.com/2...nne-aux-etats-unis-est-renvoye-au-canada

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #964096
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Not so much the crime that is high level, but all the stuff that followed it:

Man sentenced to life in prison for murder at 18 years old redeems himself and becomes entrepreneur http://gangstersinc.ning.com/profil...prison-for-murder-at-18-years-old-redeem


The best website about global organized crime & the Mafia: http://www.gangstersinc.org - Since 2001 - Want to write for us? Drop me a DM/mail!
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: Blackmobs] #964098
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Originally Posted by Blackmobs
Also, news prefer to talk about the mafia and cartels more than black gangs or natives gangs, because they are more fantasies than other groups.


There's very little interesting to find on Native gangs in particular. When we compare, I have a feeling they're not nearly on the level of the African American or Caribbean groups.

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: TheKillingJoke] #964146
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Originally Posted by TheKillingJoke
Originally Posted by Blackmobs
Also, news prefer to talk about the mafia and cartels more than black gangs or natives gangs, because they are more fantasies than other groups.


There's very little interesting to find on Native gangs in particular. When we compare, I have a feeling they're not nearly on the level of the African American or Caribbean groups.


The geography , size, & history of the native community makes it difficult to assess their underworld.


If you think you are too small to make a difference, you haven't spend the night with a mosquito.
- African Proverb
Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: TheKillingJoke] #964147
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Originally Posted by TheKillingJoke
Originally Posted by Blackmobs
Also, news prefer to talk about the mafia and cartels more than black gangs or natives gangs, because they are more fantasies than other groups.


There's very little interesting to find on Native gangs in particular. When we compare, I have a feeling they're not nearly on the level of the African American or Caribbean groups.



In Quebec, native americans organized crime groups are well documented, maybe less than the italian mob, but still.
Alot of the drugs that are send to the US, by cansdians groups, like the mafia or bikers are send with the help of natives groups.
They are heavly involved in drugs, cigarettes smuggling, weapons smuggling.

Last month, a high ranking of the Hells angels of Quebec married the daughter of the boss of a native crime group, Sharon Simon

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: Blackmobs] #964164
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Originally Posted by Blackmobs
Originally Posted by TheKillingJoke
Originally Posted by Blackmobs
Also, news prefer to talk about the mafia and cartels more than black gangs or natives gangs, because they are more fantasies than other groups.


There's very little interesting to find on Native gangs in particular. When we compare, I have a feeling they're not nearly on the level of the African American or Caribbean groups.



In Quebec, native americans organized crime groups are well documented, maybe less than the italian mob, but still.
Alot of the drugs that are send to the US, by cansdians groups, like the mafia or bikers are send with the help of natives groups.
They are heavly involved in drugs, cigarettes smuggling, weapons smuggling.

Last month, a high ranking of the Hells angels of Quebec married the daughter of the boss of a native crime group, Sharon Simon


Yeah I heard that the Mohawk territories are used extensively to cross-border smuggle the goods. They mostly just stick to smuggling though and don't really do a lot outside their territory. I don't know what's the state on them these days, but they held quite a bit of power in their own territory back in the days.

The Native street gangs on the other hand often leave a very "primitive" impression on me. Prone to violence, but the crime is rather low-level. Low-quantity drug dealing, some prostitution...definitely not as sophisticated as some of the other American gangs. They're certainly not as well-connected, definitely don't move the large amounts of dope nor are they involved in the rackets some of the Black, Hispanic or East Asian street gangs or White 1% gangs get into.

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #964177
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In Canada, the most well known natives street gangs are from Alberta, Manitoba and Saskatchewan. I don’t know how well they are organized.

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The mistress of montreal mobster Piccirilli was convicted drug queen Sharon Simon she comes from the Kanesatake Native Reserve. Her daughter had that lavish wedding with a Hells Angel few months ago.


"The king is dead, long live the king!"
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The former director of the National Police of Haiti, Mario Andrésol, made revelations on the former President of the Republic, Michel Joseph Martelly and two senators currently in office. In a long interview with the journalist Arnaud Robert for Ayibopost, the former director of the PNH describes a police vassalized by the political power and sacked by corruption at the highest level.
The Haitian National Police was created in 1995 to replace the Haitian Armed Forces, which provided police functions. Mario Andrésol, a trained soldier, has held several positions within the institution since its creation before going into exile in 2001. He took the head of the PNH on July 22, 2005 under the transitional government of President Alexandre Boniface and the Prime Minister Gérard Latortue. The PNH has just celebrated its ten years of existence, it has the image of a highly corrupt institution, while it has just over 4000 police.
Mario Andrésol led the PNH for 7 years (from July 2005 to August 2012). With an explosive franchise, he claims that his successor, Godson Orelus, "screwed up" all his work to please former President Michel Joseph Martelly and his entourage. He delivers his most troubling memories to Ayibopost.
Death squads within the PNH.

"I arrived at the airport on a Tuesday and had to install myself as the police chief on Friday. The men who came to pick me up were actually a squadron of death. I did not know. I thought they were agents of the SWAT TEAM because they were the ones wearing the black uniform and Galil guns when I left the country. When I saw them at the airport, I thought it was a provision of the chief of police or the government.

I preferred to get in the car of a friend who had also come to get me. The well-equipped men in black had come with police vehicles and police-bullet-proof vests, they made my way into the street.

Arrived at the hotel Villa Creole, they invested and placed guards. Two days later, they were still there, and by reflex, I called one of them and asked him which promotion he belonged to. He replied that he was not promoted by the police. He told me that they were assailants who helped to overthrow President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

They were old attachés, a heterogeneous group. They were not trained, but they knew how to handle weapons. When I started to question them, they told me that they were forty (40) and that they were called the "Back Up Delta". They said that where the police can not intervene, it is they who intervene. My predecessor (Editor's note, Leon Charles) knew about it. They told me, for example, at Fort National, they were the ones who intervened. They said that in those neighborhoods they did not look when they were shooting.

They wanted me to integrate them into the police. They told me that it was the director of the police who sometimes gave them some money, the director of the OAVCT (Editor's note: the Office Insurance of Vehicles against Third Parties) or the NPC (Editor's note : National Port Authority). When I was handed the list of members of the group, I saw that they were men I had already arrested when I was at the Central Directorate of the Judicial Police. Among them were former attachés and former police officers involved in drugs.

My first disposition was to hold a press conference and I stated that black uniforms no longer exist in the police force. If the public noticed men in black on the streets, they were not policemen. When these men were not black, they were kidnappers. "

Police plates to carry drugs

"I issued a statement announcing that all police vehicles would be marked. The numbers would be visible on the vehicles so that the public could identify them because previously, we could not really identify the police cars.

The license plates marked "Police" that resembled the other license plates were a frequent source of corruption. Since there were not many cars in the PNH, the plates were distributed in the police stations. Drug traffickers bribed police station officials and rented these 2000-dollar Haitian license plates per night. So when we said we saw police vehicles carrying drugs, that was true. These were license plates rented at the police stations. There was no control.

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I identified the problem and nobody knew why I said: we will have new plates. We will do it by color: Port-au-Prince Green, Cap-Haitien, red; Jacmel, orange; Nippes, blue. At that time, the plates were stored at home, but not at the logistics of the PNH.

There were so many police officers involved in shady business, illegal and criminal activities. I had no statistics in mind when I said on the radio in 2005 after my arrival that 65% of the crimes that came to Haiti came from the police.

I understood that public opinion had to be with me. That's why everything I did, I communicated it on the radio and I explained why. There are so many things that were hidden. Once unveiled, the public was interested in what was happening within the police.

 "It's not better now. Godson Orelus has screwed up everything to please Martelly. "

In this position of chief of police, one must understand his role. Once you are ratified by parliament, you normally have no relationship with either the president or the prime minister. This mentality of our policies to enslave the security forces must change. I resisted Martelly, but Godson Orelus let himself go because he wants to protect his job.

Martelly asked a lot of things. He asked to reinstate individuals who had been dismissed from the police for drug trafficking. There is Féthière who is a senator now. He was dismissed from the police long before I became director, but I knew why. The president has asked for his reinstatement for his drug activities.

I was commissioner of Pétionville. Previously, he (Martelly) worked for Colombians, he carried drugs. So, he built a network of which Sonson La Familia and the others who clustered around him. There was Fourcand, who is now a senator from the south. I destroyed at least five kilometers of tracks in the area of ​​Côtes-de-Fer, the city of Martelly.

I knew he was working for Colombians and these men had a marina in Lully. Once he came to power, he invested he appropriated the marina. Because, in general, it was at the marina that they were going to hide, they used it as a transit position in front of the Côte des Arcadins. Small boats disappeared in these areas. In the same way at Losandieu at Côtes-de-Fer, in the Big Cayes.

Re: High Level Black/African OC in 2017 [Re: 2a] #964527
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This ex-cop pretended he was part of Haiti president’s security. He’s in DEA custody

He is one of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration’s most wanted fugitives, accused of being a part of a four-man drug ring transporting cocaine into Miami from Port-au-Prince.

Now Jean Ednor Innocent, a former Haiti National Police officer who on Monday tried to pass himself off as a member of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse’s presidential security detail in the streets of Port-au-Prince, is in U.S. custody after spending 13 years as a fugitive from the law.

Innocent arrived in South Florida Wednesday after being extradited from Haiti, where he was arrested two days earlier by Haiti National Police.

“We’ve been looking for him because he has an international warrant out for his arrest,” said the new head of Haiti’s judicial police., Joany Canéus. “Every time these guys know they have one of these warrants against them, they try to find a way to ... stay out of the spotlight. But every person has their day.”

For Innocent, that day arrived Monday when cops in the president’s security detail spotted him along the motorcade route to the National Palace dressed as one of them, in camouflage fatigues and an olive-green T-shirt.

When they looked, they saw him— someone who has been fired from the police, who is no longer an officer. He was armed, wearing the same uniform as them ... along the presidential route,” Canéus said. “They arrested him, entered the palace with him, called [my office] and the government prosecutor.”

It was the second drug-trafficking-related arrest in days, and the second major arrest of someone trying to impersonate a Haiti National Police officer. Last week, Haiti Police Chief Michel-Ange Gédéon personally arrested a government employee who had been passing himself off to journalists and others in the Haitian diaspora in interviews and text messages as the chief.

On Friday, Haiti’s anti-narcotics police arrested six individuals, including two Bahamians, an American and three Haitians, in Môle-Saint-Nicolas after an airplane landed in the coastal city along Haiti’s northwest. No drugs were found aboard the airplane, said Canéus, but they had received information that the group was engaged in drug-trafficking activities in the area and individuals had been waiting for days for the plane’s arrival. The investigation is ongoing and the six remain in police custody.

All the arrests have come despite days of violent anti-government protests in major cities across Haiti. Frustrated and angry Haitians are taking to the streets to demonstrate against corruption and economic mismanagement and to demand the resignation of Moïse.

The message of the Haiti National Police today is simple and clear: It’s here to guarantee the security of everyone, their property and all public institutions. It will not fail in its mission; where disorder is, it will not ignore it even when preoccupied by other activities,” Canéus said. “It will do what it needs to oversee the protests but there are other units in the police prepared to intervene where need be.”

Known as “Flex,” or “The Comandante,” Innocent was indicted along with three others by a Miami jury in 2006. He was charged with two counts of knowingly and intentionally conspiring to import and distribute 5 kilograms or more of cocaine into the United States. He faces life in prison under each count.

Canéus said he cannot say with certainty if Innocent had been hiding out in Haiti all of this time. During police questioning, Innocent said he had bought the uniform, as well as others found in his car along with several National Identification cards. He said he was in the area because he was getting a cellphone fixed nearby.

“We asked him a lot of questions, but it was clear he was someone who was hiding something,” Canéus said. “How is it that you are armed and you have a bunch of police uniforms in your possession? Why is it at the very moment that the president is passing that you’re along the route?


“This is a man who is very dangerous ... a real troublemaker,” he added.

Sources familiar with Innocent’s history say he was a member of former Haiti President Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s presidential security detail, who has been on the DEA’s radar since 2004, the same year he was implicated in the burning of a radio station in Port-au-Prince. But just as U.S. agents failed to arrest wanted trafficker and rebel leader Guy Philippe until his 2017 arrest, they also failed in attempts to capture Innocent. Accused of aiding a former Haiti National Police officer who coordinated drug loads into the U.S., Innocent is part of the era when Haiti flourished as a “narco-state,” and Colombian cocaine smugglers would routinely hire local cops to protect their loads flown in on planes that landed at night on dirt roads illuminated with the headlights of police cruisers.

A U.S. crackdown on cocaine smuggling through Haiti has yielded the convictions of more than a dozen drug traffickers, including Haitian senior police officers and a former Haitian senator. Among them: Beaudouin “Jacques” Ketant, a Haitian narco-trafficker who accused former Aristide of turning a blind eye to the cocaine. Ketant, initially sentenced to 27 years in a U.S. prison, was deported to Haiti in 2015 when his term was cut in half after assisting the feds in their investigation.

https://www.google.ca/amp/s/amp.mia...rld/americas/haiti/article226198495.html

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PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti — With a brisk clap of his hands, Michel Martelly summed up the first steps he would take if he ever left the music business and became the president of Haiti.

“First thing, after I establish my power, which would be very strong and necessary, I would close that congress thing,” Mr. Martelly was quoted as saying in 1997, when he was still a hugely popular singer. “Out of my way.”

His words have proved prophetic. A political crisis almost four years into Mr. Martelly’s presidency gave life to the fantasy he once described: He is now running the country without the checks and balances of a parliament.

After Mr. Martelly and his opponents in Parliament could not agree on elections, most legislative terms expired, and the seats remain empty. Only 11 elected officials remain in the entire country, and the president is one of them.

For two months, Mr. Martelly has governed Haiti by executive order, concentrating power in the hands of a man who, his critics say, is a prisoner of his past, surrounded by a network of friends and aides who have been arrested on charges including rape, murder, drug trafficking and kidnapping.

As Mr. Martelly strengthens his hold on power, scandals involving those close to him have continued to mount, raising questions about the president’s ability to lead.

One of Mr. Martelly’s senior advisers was jailed for six months during the president’s tenure after being accused of killing a man in a gunfight at the Dominican border. Another friend of the president vanished last year, shortly after being released from jail in a marijuana trafficking case.

The prosecutor in that case fled the country fearing retaliation.

Yet another of the president’s associates is in jail, accused of running a kidnapping ring. The authorities are trying to determine whether the man, Woodley Ethéart, who said he worked at the Ministry of Interior, laundered ransom money through a lucrative catering contract at the presidential palace, an investigator familiar with the case said.

One longtime law enforcement official said he stopped going to events at the palace because he kept running into people who had been arrested on charges as serious as murder but were now working at the presidential offices as security guards.

“There they were, in the palace, carrying automatic weapons,” the official said under the condition that his name not be published out of safety concerns.

The Martelly administration’s influence has been criticized most for its effect on the judiciary, where the criminal cases of some people close to the president have stalled or disappeared.

Prosecutors who objected to the administration’s interference were fired or fled, and one judge who complained that the president had meddled in a civil corruption case against Sophia Martelly, the first lady, died two days later.

I would be very concerned of this interconnected web of nefarious characters,” said Robert Maguire, a Haiti scholar at George Washington University. “Martelly has empowered them to do what they do. He has established an environment of corruption, abuse of power and impunity.”

The president’s office did not respond to several requests for an interview since January. The presidential spokesman, Lucien Jura, did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

Mr. Martelly’s allies defended him, saying that the president could not be blamed for the actions of his friends. Several said that he is loyal to a fault, and that he will stand beside old friends no matter what trouble they find themselves in. The president, aides said, wants the best for Haiti but is easily influenced by relatives known for ties to drug trafficking and friends who abuse their proximity to power.

One of those relatives, the president’s brother-in-law Charles Saint-Rémy, said the president and his family had been victims of a politically motivated campaign to discredit them.

We have had stability for four years,” said Daniel Edwin Zenny, a senator allied with the president. “We used to have 10,000 to 20,000 people protesting on the streets every day. Now we have 1,500 to 4,000, and while they are protesting, the country is moving forward. This is not a big situation yet.”

https://www.google.ca/amp/s/www.nyt...andal-engulfs-circle-of-friends.amp.html

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